Advertise with ATimes!

Search Asia Times

Advanced Search

 
Japan

Japan pushes 'inclusive' approach to Myanmar
By Suvendrini Kakuchi

TOKYO - Through a series of recent events and conferences, Tokyo appears to be cultivating what some thinkers here call a more "inclusive" - and realistic - approach to Myanmar, one far different from the West, which has imposed sanctions on Yangon and where the United States last year barred the entry of exports from the country previously known as Burma.

Japan's decision to host a visit from March 16-19 by the United Nations special envoy to Myanmar, Razali Ismail, is a case in point. Analysts see the visit of Razali, officially invited to attend a conference on reforming the UN, as a sign of Tokyo's eagerness to play a role in bringing a dialogue between Myanmar's military junta and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

"Razali's presence in Tokyo sends an important message to the world as he is the most important person in negotiating for peace in Burma," said Min Nyo, who heads the Japan-Burma Center that represents exiled dissidents in Tokyo.

It is also a move that may well signal Japan's desire to expand its traditional role as Asia's key aid donor and become a more active player in regional diplomacy, according to experts.

"There is a growing expectancy on Japan from the Asian countries that have long benefited economically from Japanese aid, to do more," said Shigeu Tsumori, former Japanese ambassador to Myanmar and a professor of international relations at Toyo Eiwa University. "In reciprocation, Tokyo, too, has now made regional harmony a priority."

Tokyo used to be Myanmar's largest donor. In 2002, it gave US$200 million in grant aid to Myanmar, after resuming mostly grant aid in 1995. Japan gave $3 billion for technical cooperation in 2003, but after a series of violent attacks there in May, Japan made the unusually strong decision, along with Western donors, to stop sending aid. Although Japan has not yet decided to restore full official aid, the country is rethinking its decision, making it a priority for Razali.

"Razali sees Japan having special influence in Myanmar. Its long assistance to Burma till May when aid was stopped, and a historical context to bilateral relations, gives [Japan] a preference to play a larger role than the West," Kei Nemoto, an expert on Southeast Asia at Gaiko University, said in an interview.

But Myanmar is also proving to be a tightrope for Japan's diplomacy as it figures out how to achieve a balance between satisfying Western demands for democratic reform - echoed by activists in the region and beyond - and Asia's room for compromise.

Tsumori says a confrontational approach will not work, and that Japan must have a long-term, balanced policy that pursues both development - including education and health - and political progress.

"We must work on ways to combine the two development processes and aim at fostering a dialogue between the opposing political forces," Tsumori said at a seminar on Myanmar on Monday, just after Razali's visit had ended.

The seminar, organized by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, Asian Club Foundation and the Myanmar Economic and Management Institute, centered on proposals for "reconciliation" by thinkers from Eastern nations who propose an approach to Myanmar different from the big-stick one of the West and other critical Asian countries.

These proposals, completed in December by the Asia Dialogue Society, are called "Quality of Partnership: Myanmar in Southeast Asia and the World Community". The people behind this initiative include Tsumori, M Rajeratnam of the Information and Resource Center in Singapore, and former Thai deputy foreign minister Sukhumhand Paribatra.

They suggest setting up a Council of National Reconciliation and Concord (CNRC) that would include members from the junta, the opposition and ethnic groups working for reconciliation within a predetermined timetable.

"The CNRC represents the basis of Japanese policy on Myanmar because it is a mechanism that represents compromise and inclusiveness," Nemoto pointed out.

Other critics of Myanmar's military government may find the proposal too tame - the CNRC proposal would allow the junta to retain the dominant position in the council - but Tsumori maintains that it is an "important breakthrough in ushering in reconciliation in Myanmar".

Experts here argue that the document represents Japan's brand of quiet diplomacy that gives Yangon's and the National League for Democracy's aspirations equal importance. Said Nemoto, "Japanese diplomacy lays priority on harmony. The CNRC depicts this context very well."

Min Nyo said that whatever the road to democracy is, a solution must include all parties - and asks Tokyo to avoid going too soft, too quickly, on Burma without concrete change.

"I would like Japan to be more forceful with the junta and not give aid if the military leaders will not accept an inclusive engagement toward democracy," he said in an interview.

Similarly, Nyo added: "We are not against Razali's negotiations with the junta because we know he and Japan are trying to move things ahead. Our only fear is that nothing is going to come out in the end."

Razali arrived in Tokyo after visiting Yangon from March 1-4, where he met with Myanmar's military government, opposition and ethnic leaders.

While in Tokyo, Razali refrained from making public statements on Myanmar, however, he did meet with government officials - whose names were not released by the Foreign Ministry - and Myanmar activists at Rengo, the country's largest trade union.

He was also believed to have briefed Tokyo on the progress of the deadlock in the Southeast Asian country, where military rulers say they are pursuing a seven-step "roadmap" to political change and where the process of writing a new constitution is expected to be revised this year.

Meanwhile, all eyes are on when, and if, the junta does reconstitute the National Convention, which had been drafting the new constitution until the opposition walked out in 1996. Still unclear is what role the government will allow for Suu Kyi, her party and other members of the opposition.

"We are not willing to believe in the negotiations by Razali or Japan unless freedom is ensured - and that does not look possible," said Min Nyo.

On May 30, 2003, violent attacks were undertaken on Suu Kyi and her party by thugs believed to be linked to the military government. Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi has rapped Yangon for not releasing Suu Kyi from house arrest where she has been detained since the attacks.

Meantime, Tsumori said a full resumption of aid is not going to happen yet. "It is going to be difficult to convince Japanese taxpayers to support official development assistance to Myanmar unless there is democracy and protection of human rights," explained Tsumori.

(Inter Press Service)


Mar 26, 2004



Yangon approves UN envoy's return (May 17, '03)
 


   
         
No material from Asia Times Online may be republished in any form without written permission.
Copyright 2003, Asia Times Online, 4305 Far East Finance Centre, 16 Harcourt Rd, Central, Hong Kong