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China-Japan ties back on the ropes
By J Sean Curtin

Just when it seemed Japan-China ties couldn't get much worse - while it also seemed there were unprecedented opportunities for political improvements to equal the burgeoning economic ties - political relations stumbled back on to the ropes. Last week, Japanese hawks managed to force a popular magazine for young people, Weekly Young Jump, not to publish a "comic strip" depicting the Nanjing Massacre of up to 300,000 Chinese (claiming it didn't really happen), and recently Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's heir-apparent himself visited the Yasukuni Shrine where convicted war criminals are memorialized - and he said he'd do it again.

Koizumi's recent cabinet reshuffle and the apparent political ascendancy of China's reform-minded President Hu Jintao created an opportunity for a gentle thawing in top-level Sino-Japanese dialogue. However, over the past few weeks, a series of bitter and long-rumbling disagreements have darkened the political horizon, in effect extinguishing any hopes for brighter bilateral skies ahead. Koizumi's presumptive successor, Shinzo Abe, has added to the sense of gloom by reigniting the festering controversy that threatens long-term ties. In August he visited the controversial Yasukuni war shrine, honoring Japan's war dead, included convicted Class A war criminals, and he said a prime minister should make such pilgrimages.

As economic bonds between the two neighbors continue to grow at phenomenal speed - China appears poised to become Japan's largest trading partner - optimism for a genuine breakthrough has been high. In the first eight months of 2004, the total value of Japan's trade with China hit almost 11.6 trillion yen (US$106.2 billion), compared with 13.4 trillion yen with the United States. As the two economies grow ever more intertwined, unease in the business community increases over the fragile state of political ties, due in large part to Japan's World War II aggression, failure to make amends, and Koizumi's determined visits to Yasukuni. There is palpable worry that if the situation deteriorates any further, Japanese companies could lose out in the increasingly competitive Chinese market.

A litany of unresolved territorial, political and historical disputes has plagued Sino-Japanese relations for decades, periodically straining relations. However, under the Koizumi administration the frequency and intensity of these incidents have drastically increased. The most alarming aspect about the current flare-up is that this time Japan's political elite appears to have set itself on a collision course with Beijing, a move that could be disastrous for both nations, and one that might permanently damage bilateral relations.

Since taking office in April 2001, Koizumi has adopted an aggressive and nationalist stance toward Beijing. The most high-profile aspect of this approach has been his annual pilgrimage to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine. The facility honors Japan's war dead as well as several war criminals responsible for atrocities committed in China during World War II. Beijing believes that a prime minister paying homage at such an establishment is the clearest possible sign that Japan is not truly remorseful about its brutal wartime past.

President Hu recently reiterated China's position to the Speaker of Japan's Lower House, Yohei Kono. He reminded him, "The most pressing issue facing us is the skillful handling of the Yasukuni issue. The longer the issue is left unresolved, the deeper the emotional hurt suffered by the [Chinese] victims. There could also be side-effects in other areas of exchange and cooperation."

Koizumi's shrine forays have made him a virtual pariah with the Chinese leadership. This status was most recently confirmed when Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao refused to hold a bilateral meeting with him on the sidelines of this month's Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Hanoi. Unlike almost every other major world leader, Koizumi has never been invited to Beijing to meet with Hu. He has visited the Yasukuni Shrine four times since his election and his presumptive heir-apparent, Shinzo Abe, has visited the shrine and says he will continue to do so, should he inherit Koizumi's mantle.

Tensions escalate over the past month
Over the past month, sharp disagreements have emerged with Beijing over Tokyo's bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. China, one of five veto-wielding council members (the United Kingdom, France, Russia and the United States are the others), has been highly critical of Japan's aspirations, saying other candidates are more worthy. Kong Quan, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, said, "We believe that if a country wishes to play a responsible role in international affairs, it must have a clear understanding of the historical questions concerning itself."

Beijing is also apparently unhappy with Koizumi's selection of Nobutaka Machimura as the new foreign minister. China dislikes the nationalistic views Machimura expressed while he was education minister, as well as his own excursions to the Yasukuni Shrine.

A new row over the Nanjing Massacre of Chinese by Japanese soldiers has compounded current woes. Last week, a group of right-wing local politicians managed to force a popular magazine for young people, Weekly Young Jump, from publishing a comic strip depicting the Nanjing Massacre (which lasted for at least six weeks from December 1937 into 1938). The lawmakers claimed there was no proof the well-document atrocity ever took place, ignoring the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal's determination that more than 140,000 Chinese were slaughtered, while many Chinese historians estimate the death toll to be 300,000 or more.

The final and most devastating nail in the coffin was meticulously hammered into place by Shinzo Abe, currently the strongest contender to succeed Koizumi and the grandson of a former prime minister. Abe has breathed new life into the deadly Yasukuni controversy. During a recent television interview, he boldly claimed that just like his mentor Koizumi, he also would visit the contentious shrine if he inherits the political throne.

Next prime minister should visit Yasukuni
Abe confessed that if he gained the coveted crown, he would feel obligated to pay homage at the shrine. With passion in his voice, he explained, "It is only natural for the leader of a country to go there to console those who have died for their country."

Rejecting arguments about the separation of the state and religion, as well as the question of whether a prime minister should only be allowed to go to the shrine in his capacity as a private citizen, Abe said, "It doesn't make sense to argue about if the visit is official or not. The prime minister should just be allowed to go there."

Abe last paid his respects at the shrine on August 15, the anniversary of Japan's World War II surrender and the day considered the most provocative for making such an outing. Even Koizumi has avoided going to the shrine on that day, although before he became prime minister he said he would. At the time of Abe's latest pilgrimage, he was the secretary general of the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the No 2 party official after the prime minister.

Abe stepped down from his post in the cabinet reshuffle, saying he wanted to take responsibility for his party's poor showing in the Upper House election. In an unusual move, he was gently demoted one position to deputy secretary general of the LDP. Many observers considered the slight downward move a shrewd ploy, allowing Abe to put some strategic distance between himself and the prime minister, better positioning himself for a shot at the No 1 slot. Since his demotion, he has maintained a high profile and opinion polls consistently show him to be the overwhelming favorite to replace Koizumi.

Chinese policymakers shocked
Abe's remarks have genuinely shocked Chinese policymakers who were working on the assumption that no future Japanese prime minister would dare risk stirring up the kind of anti-Japanese sentiment Koizumi has generated. China's Japan policy has been based on the principle of isolating Koizumi and patiently waiting for his successor. His premiership has been considered an aberration, not a new trend. Abe's comments challenged this assessment, completely altering the future dynamics of the equation.

If the leadership of both countries does not tread extremely carefully in the coming months, relations between them may become locked into the currently unsatisfactory "hot economic, cold political" configuration, a situation that would cast a dark shadow over their long-term relationship.

Good top-level Sino-Japanese dialogue is a key component for smooth regional development. The most worrying aspect about the current situation is that Japan's elite lawmakers just don't seem capable of grasping this fundamental fact.

J Sean Curtin is a GLOCOM fellow at the Tokyo-based Japanese Institute of Global Communications.

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Oct 19, 2004
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