Submarine puts Japan-China ties into a
dive By J Sean Curtin
Just when it seemed that diplomatic
relations between Japan and China might stabilize, a
brief two-hour submarine incursion into a remote region
of Japanese territorial waters has once again put the
edgy neighbors at loggerheads. While last week's
underwater trespass did not initially spark a
high-profile diplomatic dispute, an angry reaction by
Japan's right-wing press forced Tokyo to abandon its
cautious diplomatic response. Media pressure railroaded
the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi
into ditching moderation for a hard line. The apparent
policy shift to a tougher stance risks a further
deterioration in already fraught Sino-Japanese ties and
could jeopardizes a bilateral summit meeting planned for
the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum in Chile this
weekend.
After rejecting Japan's protests and refusing to
apologize for the intrusion, China on Tuesday finally
expressed regret and said the submarine was on routine
maneuvers and accidentally strayed into Japanese territorial
waters. Japan interpreted that as an apology,
according to chief government spokesman Hiroyuki
Hosoda. Still, not everyone is convinced.
The
latest bilateral flare-up began at about 5:40am last
Wednesday when a mysterious submerged vessel entered the
Pacific Ocean region of Japan's territorial waters in
the southwestern sector of Okinawa prefecture, about 400
kilometers southwest of Okinawa island. The underwater
vehicle slipped between the remote Miyako and Ishigaki
islands at a speed of about 10 knots before returning to
Chinese waters around 8am. The short intrusion was a
relatively minor incident on the extreme fringe of
Japanese territory. However, unlike the submarine in the
famous Beatles song, when this one "sailed up to the
sun", its mariners did not find "a life of ease"
awaiting them.
Japan's Maritime Self-Defense
Force (MSDF) had apparently detected the submarine
several days earlier as it cruised submerged near
Japan's maritime border. The MSDF closely monitored its
movements in case it strayed into Tokyo's sphere of
jurisdiction, and when it crossed into the Japanese
sector, the Defense Agency was immediately put on alert.
In accordance with standard procedures, Defense
Agency director general Yoshinori Ono ordered the marine
forces to pursue the submarine under Article 82 of the
Self-Defense Forces Law. However, by the time the
command was issued at 8:45am, the vessel had left
Japanese waters. Tokyo followed the fleeing intruder
using its P-3C Orion aircraft and two MSDF destroyers.
Having initially played down the relatively
minor violation of its sovereignty, Tokyo was forced to
take a more aggressive stance after bitter criticism
from the right-wing press that usually supports the
government. On Wednesday and Thursday, while Defense
Agency officials declined to speculate about the
submarine's country of origin, the press took the
opposite approach. Newspapers strongly implied that the
vessel must have been Chinese and there was harsh
criticism of what was believed to be a slow and
ineffective government response to the invasion of its
marine space. Japan's best-selling daily newspaper, the
Yomiuri Shimbun, demanded a no-compromise policy. In its
Thursday editorial it declared, "If the latest intrusion
was indeed made by a Chinese submarine, it will clearly
demonstrate that China is becoming a real threat to
Japan in areas surrounding Japan."
With its
supporters in the press baying for tough action, the
government had little choice but to bow to their
demands. Fearing being labeled as weak-kneed and
indecisive toward China, the official script was rapidly
rewritten. This was a calculated risk at a time of
already strained dialogue with Beijing. However, with
the issue of North Korea's past abduction of Japanese
citizens on the verge of a spectacular fresh eruption,
Koizumi probably gambled that any new bout of tension
with China would be quickly overshadowed by the
abductees.
And so last Friday, Tokyo took the
chance of exacerbating diplomatic tensions by naming
China as the culprit, even though the submarine did not
surface and could not be formally identified. According
to international law, a submarine can pass through the
territorial waters of another country if it surfaces and
hoists its national flag, identifying itself. That was
not the case in this episode.
A grim-faced Cheng
Yonghua, the second most senior official at the Chinese
Embassy in Tokyo, was duly summoned to the Foreign
Ministry. After joint discussions, Foreign Minister
Nobutaka Machimura resolutely told the media, "I
strongly protested to the Chinese government and
demanded an apology."
However,
Beijing intially said it could
not accept the protest or issue an apology as it had
yet to determine whether the vessel belonged to its fleet,
and it said investigations were ongoing. China's maritime
capability is estimated to consist of about 740 naval
vessels, including about 70 submarines. Despite Beijing's
early refusal to acknowledge the vessel as Chinese,
the Japanese government firmly maintained that the
underwater intruder belonged to China.
Tokyo
claimed it was able to determine that the submarine was
Chinese as a result of analyzing various intelligence
data. At a press conference on Friday afternoon, Defense
Agency chief Ono gave four reasons the government
believed the vessel was Chinese: 1) China and Russia
are the only countries near Japan that possess nuclear
submarines. 2) The underwater vehicle leaving
Japanese waters was on course for a Chinese naval
base. 3) It was operating in difficult-to-navigate
shallow waters in the East China Sea, strongly
suggesting that its crew was highly familiar with the
underwater geography of the area. 4) The noise
profile of the submarine matched that of a Chinese
vessel.
Japanese defense analysts point to four
possible reasons for a deliberate incursion: 1) To
determine the outer limits of China's defense sphere and
test Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force
capabilities. 2) To highlight China's claim to
maritime resources along the mutual sea boundary. 3)
To practice for a possible sea blockade of Taiwan that
might involve the areas around the Miyako Islands. 4)
To flex China's naval muscles by displaying its growing
military strength.
However, some experts
question whether the incursion was deliberate. They
point out that if Beijing were probing Tokyo, why would
it deploy what appears to have been a noisy old
Han-class nuclear submarine, which is easier for Tokyo
to detect than some of China's more advanced vessels?
Furthermore, when the sub was detected, it did not
appear to be hiding. It was cruising in shallow waters
about 300 meters below the surface, making it relatively
easy for the MSDF to locate.
The MSDF currently
operates 80 P-3C aircraft, along with destroyers and
SH-60 patrol helicopters, all of which give it a
top-class submarine-detection capability. The P-3Cs are
packed with advanced computer systems, sonobuoys and
sub-locating radar. A combination of equipment is
required as some parts of the East China Sea are
relatively shallow at depths ranging from 40-200m. It is
difficult for sonobuoys alone to track subs in shallow
waters.
The weekend return of Tokyo's
fact-finding mission from Pyongyang has now put the
abduction of Japanese citizens by North Korea right back
on center stage, completely eclipsing the submarine
issue. This gives both Tokyo and Beijing an opportunity
to tone down their rhetoric and engage in some
fence-mending.
However, trying to determine the
diplomatic fallout is proving harder than detecting the
submarine. Beijing is tight-lipped, maintaining its line
that it cannot comment as long as investigations are
continuing. When such incidents have occurred in the
past, and Tokyo has lodged protests, Beijing has more or
less ignored them. With Japanese attention once again
fully focused on the emotive North Korean abduction
issue, the sonobuoy has been taken off Beijing.
However, since top-level exchanges between the
two are extremely limited, largely because of Koizumi's
repeated visits to the war-tainted Yasukuni Shrine, a
memorial to the war dead, including Class A war
criminals, Beijing may decide to escalate the situation.
This scenario is making Japanese diplomats uneasy.
The two
countries have been working toward arranging a summit
between Prime Minister Koizumi and Chinese President Hu
Jintao on the sidelines of the APEC forum this Saturday
and Sunday in Chile. It was hoped that such a meeting
might ease bilateral tensions. Perhaps, given China's
regret, interpreted by Japan as apology, it will take
place.
If the
meeting is canceled, it would signal a further
deterioration in bilateral relations, dramatically
illustrating Hu's "hot economically, but cold
politically" description of the current state of
Sino-Japanese relations
J Sean Curtin
is a GLOCOM fellow at the Tokyo-based Japanese Institute
of Global Communications.
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