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SPEAKING FREELY
Japan's false claim to the Kurils

By Yu Shiyu

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

Japan's so-called Northern Territories have lately received a lot of media coverage, reflecting Tokyo's hope, or rather wish, that it may be high time for Russia to relinquish, willy-nilly, the latter's control since 1945 of the four disputed southernmost islands, plus some uninhabited islets, of the Kuril Archipelago to their rightful owner - Japan.

But what is the legal basis for Japan's claim? After the end of World War II, Japan has engaged, somewhat timidly in the early 1950s, and then in an ever-growing crescendo, in a huge propaganda war to depict the southern Kuril Islands as Japan's "inherent territories that have never belonged to a foreign country".

Unfortunately, other than Japan's own populace and political parties from the ruling Liberal Democrats to the communists, the once enthusiastic but now lukewarm Beijing officialdom, and the Washington establishment that have bought into this propaganda, the rest of the world seems rather unmoved by this "inherent territories" pitch.

Like much of other historical revisionism now vigorously peddled by a growing crowd in Tokyo regarding World War II, the "Great East Asian Coprosperity Sphere" and Japan's earlier "entrance" into China, the "inherent territories" claim does not stand up under scrutiny.

First of all, it is well known that the expansion of the Japanese state into the northern part of Hokkaido, let alone the Kuril Islands, was a fairly late historical development. At the very least, this expansion of the Japanese rule did not predate Russia's rapid advances to Siberia and the Far East. The sequence of documented events puts much of Japan's propaganda about its "inherent" ownership of the (southern) Kuril Islands into serious doubt.

According to John J Stephan's book The Kuril Islands: Russo-Japanese Frontiers in the Pacific published by Oxford University Press in 1974, Russian exploration of the Kuril archipelago began in the 1690s, and the first documented Japanese landing on the southern Kurils occurred in 1754.

The 2003 electronic edition of the authoritative Encyclopedia Britannica is even more explicit: "The Kurils were originally settled by the Russians, following their exploration in the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1855, however, Japan seized a group of the southern islands and in 1875 took possession of the entire chain."

After demonstrating the dubious nature of Japan's claim to the Kurils by historical precedence, we now examine the claim's legal foundations. The 1951 San Francisco Treaty stipulates in Article 2, Chapter II, that: "Japan renounces all right, title and claim to the Kuril Islands, and to that portion of Sakhalin and the islands adjacent to it over which Japan acquired sovereignty as a consequence of the Treaty of Portsmouth of September 5, 1905."

The fact that the Soviet Union did not sign the 1951 treaty notwithstanding, Japan as a signatory has apparently ceded all legal claims to the Kurils. Therefore, the only legitimate basis for Japan to reclaim its "Northern Territories", once the ink of the San Francisco Treaty had dried, is that the four southernmost Kuril islands were never part of the Kuril Islands. As the preceding oxymoronic English clause reads, such a legal argument by Japan would really stretch the almost universally accepted geographic definition of the Kuril Islands, typified by the Encyclopedia Britannica cited above.

The refined version of Japan's legal argument that the "Northern Territories" were never part of the Kuril Islands (Chishima retto in Japanese) goes as follows: In the 1855 Treaty of Shimoda, Japan and Russia divided up the Kuril Islands, with Japan owning the four southernmost islands and Russia getting the rest of the archipelago. Then in the 1875 Treaty of St Petersburg, Russia gave up the sovereignty on its part of the Kuril Islands in exchange for the sole ownership of the Sakhalin (Karafuto) Island. In the second treaty, the 18 islands previously owned by Russia were individually listed. This fact is now being used by Tokyo for its argument that the remaining four southernmost islands in the same archipelago were not part of the Kuril Islands.

Unfortunately for Japan, the official version of the Treaty of St Petersburg was written in French, befitting both the Francophile tradition of the Czarist Russia and the rigor of French as a diplomatic language. Prior to listing the 18 islands by their name, the treaty asserts in Article 2:

En echange de la cession a la Russie des droits sur l'ile de Sakhaline, enoncee dans l'Article premier, Sa Majeste l'Empereur de Toutes les Russies pour Elle et pour ses heritiers, cede a Sa Mejeste l'Empereur du Japon le groupe des iles dites Kouriles qu'Elle possede actuellement, avec tous les droits de souverainete decoulant de cette possession, en sorte que desormais ledit groupe des Kouriles appartiendra a l'Empire du Japon.

As a French-speaking modern researcher observed (Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol 36, 1996, p10), the absence of a comma after the phrase "le groupe des iles dites Kouriles" logically means that what Russia was giving up was not the whole of the Kuril Islands. Therefore, Tokyo's legal argument that what Russia ceded in the 1875 treaty represented all Kuril Islands does not hold water in rigorous analysis either.

This commentator is not entirely unsympathetic to Japan's wish to reclaim the southern Kurils, nor is he oblivious to the fact that Japan in all likelihood did more than Czarist Russia, the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia combined in developing the Kurils and the Sakhalin Island, on which several generations of Japanese colonists were buried. However, propaganda based on historical revisionism will not get Japan very far in this endeavor.

Still worse is the suggestion to solicit Washington's help in reclaiming the "Northern Territories". As the aforementioned text of the 1951 San Francisco Treaty, largely drawn up by the United States, demonstrates, Washington originally had little interest in safeguarding any of Japan's "inherent territories". This attitude was naturally changed by the Cold War. However, it was also exactly the US intervention in the mid-1950s that had cost Japan the historical opportunity to recover the first two of the four southern Kuril islands half a century ago.

Given Washington's continuing encroachment on Russia's influence in the latter's "near abroad", fully exemplified by the recent presidential election in Ukraine, Japanese politicians should probably think thrice before asking Uncle Sam to intervene again in this territorial dispute.

Yu Shiyu is a regular columnist for Lianhe Zaobao (The United Morning News), Singapore's largest Chinese newspaper. He also writes frequently on international affairs for several newspapers and magazines in mainland China.

(Copyright 2004 Yu Shiyu)

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.


Nov 30, 2004
Asia Times Online Community





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