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    Japan
     Feb 5, 2005
Koizumi the 'Lionheart' falters in the polls
By Richard Hanson

TOKYO - "The Koizumi government is not dead yet," said an Asahi Shimbun editorial writer after a poll showed Prime Minister Koizumi's cabinet at its lowest ebb so far, with 33% in popular support. But will the once wildly popular leader's most crucial policy initiatives - including dealing with North Korea - suffer from a perception of weakness in coming months as he adjusts to "lame duck" status in his last two years in office?

"Prime Minister Koizumi does not pay attention to popularity polls," is how one veteran political pundit, Minoru Morita, described the attitude of Japan's reformist leader. That was true when he was riding high in the polls more than three years ago.

True to form, Koizumi appeared to shrug off the news this week that his support had hit a record-low 33%, down from 37% in December and well below the 40% (and falling) seen in other recent surveys, according to a survey by Asahi Shimbun, a liberal newspaper at times at odds with the prime minister's policies. The survey was taken last weekend and released this week.

The question is whether the prime minister will find a way to bounce back and breathe new life into an administration that is long in the tooth as it approaches its fourth anniversary in April. In recent Japanese history, four years is a long time. Moreover, Koizumi's long list of "structural reforms" to reinvigorate Japan's public and private sectors has shrunk to a short-list of significant projects - such as finishing the job of privatizing the sprawling postal system - while settling for partial reforms in the area of public works. This is especially true in the case of his battle to curb powerful lobbies.

On the immediate political agenda, the ruling Liberal Democrats are still aiming for "trophy" projects to mark the 50th anniversary of the merger of democratic and conservative factions that formed the party in 1955, since when the LDP has been out of power for only eight months. The anniversary is November 15. For the past five years, the party has been researching a plan to amend the constitution, a centerpiece product of the Allied occupation (1945-51) of Japan after World War II.

Koizumi's ambition is to serve out his current term as LDP president, which expires in September 2006. Barring a surprise - such as a "snap" election, which only he can call - he will have carved himself out a place as one of the longest-serving Japanese prime ministers in history. At the moment, there are no major elections scheduled for the powerful Lower House of the Diet (parliament) until 2007.

But the polls this week do give grave pause for the prime minister, who is about to move into a brand-new official residence in Nagata-cho, the heart of the central-government area.

What worries the prime minister is that the slippage in his polls (which peaked at around 84% after April 2001 when Koizumi was named ruler of the Liberal Democratic Party) may reflect a serious threat to a number of his critical policy initiatives, upon which he is counting to build a legacy. The worry is that Koizumi's weakness in the polls will make it harder to prevent key policies from being undermined by the "right wing" of his own party.

According to one former senior government official, this includes the success of Japan's participation in the so-called six-party talks, which were launched two years ago to deal with an escalation of the nuclear threat posed by North Korea soon after Japan's first initiative to normalize relations with its hostile neighbor across the Sea of Japan (called the East Sea by Koreans). These on-again, off-again talks involve North and South Korea, China, Japan, Russia and the United States.

The importance of Koizumi's credibility as a leader was emphasized by a brief, but pointed, eight-minute telephone exchange this Thursday between the prime minister and US President George W Bush on North Korea and other issues - a call initiated by the United States, according to the Foreign Ministry. They agreed to try to restart the the talks at an early date and "shared the view that it is important to convey a message, through the six-party talks, to North Korea that the international community is very serious about the issue of North Korea", the ministry said. The last talks were held from June 23-26 in Beijing - China hosts the talks.

While the exchange was intended to show the international community's seriousness about resolving the North Korean nuclear problem, Koizumi's problem at home is clearly focused on the emotional sentiment that has turned sharply against the North Korean regime of Kim Jong-il since details emerged over the kidnappings of Japanese that took place more than two decades ago. These could lead to strong pressure for economic sanctions against North Korea. This is the last thing the prime minister wants on the rough road to normalization of relations on the Korean Peninsula - and defusing the nuclear (and missile) threats posed by the current regime.

For the prime minister, one threat of falling polls is that a youngish former secretary general of the LDP, Shinzo Abe, who is widely viewed as a possible "right wing" successor to Koizumi in the autumn of 2006, has stirred anti-North Korean sentiment. Abe is viewed as an attractive candidate in part because so far the ruling party has produced few other attractive alternatives within the LDP. That would upset delicate relations with China, which are already strained by Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, where the spirits of Japan's war dead (including some war criminals) are said to be enshrined.

The drop in Koizumi's polls is in some part a hostile domestic reaction to the North Korean and Chinese problems.

The Asahi Shimbun's survey rate for those who do not support the Koizumi administration was 46%, down slightly from 47% in the previous poll. The second-lowest support rate was 36% recorded last July, after the Upper House election in the Diet.

Analysts say that the most significant drops in Koizumi's support are among women (once the core supporters of the Koizumi "boom"), the elderly, and people who live in rural areas. To add to Koizumi's woes, all three of these groups are being wooed by a highly energized opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which made gains in last July's Upper House election against the ruling party coalition (which includes the New Komeito, affiliated with a large Buddhist sect). In recent times, Koizumi could counter such opposition by citing his strong ties with the US for security matters in Asia, but that too appears to be wearing thin.

According to Asahi, only 31% of voters in their 60s supported the Koizumi cabinet, versus 42% in December. Support from women fell to 30% from 37%, while 33% of rural voters favored the LDP against 37% in December. Curiously, those polled still wanted Koizumi to stay in office until the end of his term in 2006. The absence of choices to replace him poses a serious problem of its own.

There were many blanks among 66% of those asked to name a successor to Koizumi. The leader of the DPJ, Katsuya Okada, was named by only 7%, while the LDP's Shinzo Abe drew 7%.

According to the Asahi Shimbun poll, the privatization of postal services is still considered an urgent project. But the issues of pensions, nursing care and planned tax increases also weight heavily on people's minds.

"A growing number of people now sense a policy impasse behind Koizumi's cheerful rhetoric," the Asahi said in an editorial. Past Asahi polls suggest that an approval rating below 30% or a disapproval rating over 50% is usually a sign that the cabinet's days are numbered. "By this measure, however, the Koizumi government is not dead yet," it said.

"In the past, Koizumi repeatedly succeeded in lifting his flagging approval ratings with surprising moves such as a sudden visit to Pyongyang in September 2002 and by making unexpected cabinet appointments. He may come up with another effective scheme to try to regain his popularity," the paper commented.

Richard Hanson, veteran correspondent and expert on Japanese economy, finance and politics is the author of Money Lords: The Pride and Folly of Japan's Finance Ministry Elites.

(Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing.)


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