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The price of Japanese nationalism
By Erich Marquardt
Anti-Japanese protests that spread through
China over the weekend are the latest
manifestation of Japan's growing nationalism. The
protests erupted after formal approval by Japan's
Ministry of Education to print a school textbook
that glosses over Japanese war atrocities during
its early 20th century history. An estimated
10,000 to 20,000 Chinese demonstrators marched to
the Japanese Embassy in Beijing, throwing stones
at the facility; additionally, on April 10, an
estimated 20,000 demonstrators marched in two
cities in southern Guangdong province, with
protestors attacking a Japanese department store
in Shenzhen.
The protests are considered
the largest anti-Japanese demonstrations in China
since the two countries normalized diplomatic
relations in 1972. They are also the largest
protests in the country since the US destroyed the
Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999 during the
conflict in Kosovo. Smaller protests in South
Korea also sprang up over the weekend due to the
same issues; both countries were victimized by
Japan's expansion in the first half of the 20th
century.
The decision by Japan's Ministry
of Education follows a series of nationalistic
actions taken by Tokyo that have enflamed emotions
in the region. For instance, Tokyo is engaged in
an island dispute with China and Taiwan over the
Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands; it has claimed that the
South Korean-controlled Dokdo (or Tokdo) islets,
known as Takeshima in Japan, are part of its
territory; Japanese leaders, including Prime
Minister Junichiro Koizumi, continue to visit the
Yasukuni Shrine which, while honoring Japanese war
dead, also honors more than 1000 World War II war
criminals, among them 14 Class A war criminals;
the Japanese military has been increasing its
power potential, building up its military and
projecting its forces to locations as far as Iraq;
and Tokyo has declared a more assertive foreign
policy, best seen through its declaration that it
will join the US in defending Taiwan against an
invasion from mainland China.
Japan's
nationalism
Japan's growing nationalism
derives from its desire to develop a more
independent foreign policy and to increase its
military power; much of the country's political
elite want to see a return of a powerful Japan.
Fomenting nationalism among the Japanese
population is a necessary development to increase
support for a stronger military.
While in
the past such levels of nationalism would be
restrained due to the country's recognition of its
violent expansion throughout East Asia in the
first half of the 20th century, in recent years
Japan's society has changed; the memory of Japan's
actions before and during World War II are fading,
China is dramatically increasing its power, and
the difficulties encountered by the US in Iraq
have eroded the certainty that Washington will
intervene completely in defense of Japan upon a
conflict with China.
This explains why a
growing segment of the Japanese political elite
has been stoking Japanese nationalism to create
the societal conditions conducive to military
growth. Tokyo has laid claim to a series of island
chains, such as the Dokdo (Tokdo)Takeshima
islands, which are presently held and occupied by
South Korea, and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, which
are held by Japan but are contested by China and
Taiwan. Additionally, Tokyo has resisted
international pressure to include much of its
militant World War II-era past in its history
books. For instance, in one of its latest approved
school textbooks, Japan's Ministry of Education
permitted the use of a history book that omits
Japan's forced seizure of some 100,000 to 200,000
"comfort women" who were used as prostitutes and
sex slaves for Japanese troops; its use of forced
labor; and its failure to mention the details of
the Japanese military's actions in Nanjing, China,
where tens of thousands of Chinese civilians and
prisoners of war were killed by Japanese soldiers
in 1937.
The organization that authored
the controversial textbooks, the Japanese Society
for History Textbook Reform, consists of
nationalist academics who are "deeply concerned by
the very serious state of history education in
Japan." Nobukatsu Fujioka, the vice chairman of
the organization, explains that Japan is currently
"educating our children using unsubstantiated,
wartime, enemy propaganda. You can easily imagine
how children come to believe that their ancestors
were murderous monsters. In actuality, there is no
evidence proving that Japanese war crimes were any
worse than war crimes committed by other nations."
When discussing the "comfort women,"
Fujioka stated, "Prostitution in itself is a
tragedy, but there is no evidence to indicate that
the women were forced into it by the Japanese
military. If this had been the case, I am sure the
proud Koreans would have been so outraged that
they would have stood up to kill all Japanese, no
matter what the consequences."
In light of
how sensitive Japan's neighbors are to the
country's history, Tokyo's endorsement of the
preceding statements are bound to spark
anti-Japanese nationalism in those countries that
were affected by Japan's early 20th century
expansion, a development we now see today. The
demand by neighboring countries - led by China and
South Korea - to have Tokyo include such
information in its textbooks is being played off
by the Japanese political elite as being
anti-Japanese rhetoric, which then ignites
Japanese nationalism, moving the population more
toward supporting rearmament and a nationalist
foreign policy. As argued by Fujioka, "More and
more people share our opposition to instilling
self-hatred in our children."
Indeed,
Japan's political elite has argued that
anti-Japanese rhetoric is a tool of foreign
governments to conceal their failure to provide
for and satisfy their populations. Shinzo Abe, the
acting secretary general of Japan's ruling Liberal
Democratic Party, commented on this, stating,
"Japan is an outlet to vent that anger." Abe
further argued, "Because of the anti-Japanese
education [in China], it's easy to light the fire
of these demonstrations and, because of the
Internet, it's easy to assemble a lot of people."
Statements such as these convince segments of
Japan's population to give more power to the
country's nationalists.
Indeed, following
the protests, the Japanese government asked
Beijing to apologize for the demonstrations;
Beijing, wary of its population's own nationalism
that is driving its regional power ambitions,
refused, with Chinese government spokesman Qin
Gang declaring that "the Japanese side must
earnestly and properly treat major issues that
relate to Chinese people's feelings such as the
history of invasion against China." Qin continued,
"It should do more to enhance mutual trust and
safeguard the overall interests of China-Japan
relations, instead of doing the contraries."
Tokyo endangering its
interests
Japanese actions have hurt its
relations with South Korea and China. While there
has always been nationalist tension between Japan
and China, its relations with South Korea have
been stable, since both both rely on Washington's
military umbrella. Both countries were supported
and protected by the US during the long Cold War
with the Soviet Union, a time when China was in
the communist orbit and when the US fought on the
side of South Korea against the invading North. It
is important for Tokyo to keep its relations with
Seoul strong. By alienating South Korea, Japan is
driving Seoul closer to Beijing - this development
is welcomed by Beijing but it should not be
welcomed by Tokyo.
South Korean President
Roh Moo-hyun already warned on March 23, "Now, the
South Korean government has no choice but to
sternly deal with Japan's attempt to justify its
history of aggression and colonialism and revive
regional hegemony." Roh cautioned, "there could be
a hard diplomatic war ... that may reduce
exchanges in various sectors and cause economic
difficulty. But we do not have to worry much about
it ... we are determined to take the hardship on
our shoulders if we really have to."
Indeed, Seoul has said that it would
campaign against Japan's attempt to become a
permanent member of the United Nations Security
Council. Japan's campaign to join the Security
Council is part of the country's desire to
increase its regional power; it is supported by
the U and Australia in its UN bid. In the words of
South Korea's ambassador to the United Nations,
Kim Sam-hoon, "There are difficulties for a
country that does not have the trust of its
neighboring countries because of of the lack of
reflection on the past to play the role of a world
leader."
China has joined South Korea in
opposition to Japan becoming a permanent member of
the Security Council. On April 12, Chinese Premier
Wen Jiabao said this of Japan, "Only a country
that respects history, takes responsibility for
history and wins over the trust of peoples in Asia
and the world at large can take greater
responsibilities in the international community."
While Japan enjoys the strategic support
of the US and Australia, two countries that
currently utilize Japan to retain the present
balance of power in East Asia, these countries are
distant, making it important for Japan to build a
coalition of strategic allies among its immediate
neighbors, with South Korea being the most obvious
choice due to its history of being on the West's
side in the Cold War and also being a strong
economic power in East Asia. Therefore, the
souring of relations with South Korea will have a
negative impact on Japanese interests by further
isolating Tokyo in the region.
Conclusion
Japan's nationalism
is a response to what it perceives as a changing
balance of power in East Asia. The growth of China
as a power has caused Japan to rethink its foreign
policy strategy. It recognizes that despite its
excellent trade relations with Beijing - trade
between the two countries grew by 17% in 2004 -
China is a threat to Japan's power and influence
in East Asia since its current path will supplant
Japan's role as the most powerful regional state.
To prepare for this future, Tokyo is
increasing its military power while indirectly
declaring that it supports the containment of
China, evidenced by its statement that it would
join the US in defending Taiwan against a Chinese
invasion. While its relationship with the US is
critical if it wishes to keep its regional power,
it needs to also work with other Asian powers so
it does not find itself isolated on the fringe of
East Asia, facing a Chinese-dominated bloc
spanning its entire western coast.
Published with permission of the
Power and Interest News
Report, an analysis-based
publication that seeks to provide insight into
various conflicts, regions and points of interest
around the globe. All comments should be directed
to content@pinr.com |
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