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The great Japan-Mongolia love affair
By Hisane Masaki
TOKYO - Japan rolled out the red carpet for Mongolian President Nambaryn
Enkhbayar when, at Tokyo's invitation, he arrived on Monday for a five-day
visit for talks with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and a luncheon hosted by Emperor
Akihito in his honor at the Imperial Palace.
Ostensibly, the Mongolian leader's visit is to mark the 35th anniversary of the
two countries' establishing diplomatic relations in February 1972. But Tokyo
has another particular reason to extend the greatest possible hospitality to
him. Only a month ago, Tokyo received a much-appreciated diplomatic present
from Ulan Bator.
Abe and Enkhbayar agreed in a telephone conversation on January 24 that Japan
will seek a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for a
two-year term starting in 2009 in lieu of Mongolia. Enkhbayar conveyed to Abe
Mongolia's decision to withdraw its bid for a seat to let Japan run for the
post.
After the teleconference, Abe told reporters, "I thank the Mongolian president
for his leadership and express my appreciation to the Mongolian people. We want
to fulfill our responsibilities to live up to Mongolia's goodwill." Abe thanked
Enkhbayar again on Monday for Mongolia's decision.
As part of efforts to strengthen bilateral relations, Abe's predecessor,
Junichiro Koizumi, visited Ulan Bator last August, the first such trip by a
Japanese premier in seven years. Unlike two of his predecessors who also
visited the Mongolian capital while in office as part of their overseas tours,
Koizumi just flew between the capitals of the two countries.
In Ulan Bator, Koizumi pledged new grant-in-aid worth 350 million yen (US$2.91
million). While thanking Japan for its assistance as the biggest donor, Ulan
Bator asked Tokyo to consider extending yen loans for a new
international-airport project.
Before the January telephone conversation between Abe and Enkhbayar, Japanese
officials had been engaged in strenuous behind-the-scenes efforts to persuade
Mongolia to bow out of the Security Council race, reportedly even harping on
how costly it would be for the impoverished country to have its UN mission in
New York sufficiently staffed to serve as a council member nation.
But perhaps the biggest factor in Tokyo's successful persuasion of Ulan Bator
to drop its bid for a non-permanent Security Council seat is the particularly
friendly relations between the two countries. Japan has also been Mongolia's
largest aid donor for many years, and Mongolian public sentiment toward Japan
is highly favorable.
Japan held a two-year rotating non-permanent council seat through the end of
last year. But Tokyo has been keen on returning to the council as soon as
possible to influence decisions on regional and global security concerns,
especially North Korea's nuclear and missile programs. Non-permanent seats
cannot be held for consecutive terms.
As a non-permanent Security Council member, Japan played a leading role in
having a resolution adopted to condemn North Korea's missile launches last
July. When North Korea conducted its nuclear test in October, Japan held the
rotating monthly presidency and presided over the adoption of a council
resolution slapping sanctions against Pyongyang.
Japan also believes that serving as a non-permanent Security Council member as
many times as possible and thereby boosting its profile in the international
diplomatic arena will serve as a stepping stone to realizing its long-cherished
dream of obtaining permanent membership of the powerful council. At present,
there are only five permanent members - the United States, Russia, China, the
United Kingdom and France. Those five nations enjoy the privilege of veto
power.
Of the 15 council seats, the remaining 10 are held by non-permanent members and
are allotted regionally - three to Africa, two each to Asia, Latin America and
Western Europe, and one to Eastern Europe. Japan, along with Brazil, has so far
served on the council nine times, the most among the UN member states. Japan is
also the second-largest contributor to the UN budget after the United States,
accounting for close to 20% of the overall budget. Mongolia has expressed its
support for Japan's bid for permanent Security Council membership.
Abe has stressed that, regardless of whether the council seat is permanent or
not, it ''makes a difference being on the council because otherwise Japan
cannot make any statements or learn about what is discussed. One must realize
that the resolutions [in condemnation of North Korea] last year were realized
because Japan took leadership as a non-permanent council member," Abe said.
''That makes a big difference.''
Non-permanent seats have staggered terms, so that the council changes five
non-permanent members every year, instead of 10 non-permanent members every two
years. For the 2008-09 term, Vietnam has declared its candidacy for a
non-permanent council seat in an election this autumn. For the 2009-10 term,
Iran has also expressed its intention to run for a non-permanent council seat,
and a few other countries may emerge to seek the post as an Asian candidate.
The non-permanent members are usually chosen by regional groups and confirmed
by the UN General Assembly. But if coordination fails between Asian candidates
for the 2009-10 term - at this moment Japan and Iran - a decision will be left
to a General Assembly vote in the autumn of 2008.
Japan is confident that it will be able to defeat Iran in a General Assembly
vote because of a council resolution adopted last December imposing sanctions
against the Persian Gulf nation over its failure to halt uranium enrichment.
The sanctions ban the supply of nuclear-related technology and materials and
impose an asset freeze on key individuals and companies.
Abe and Enkhbayar held talks on Monday evening, only hours after the Mongolian
leader's arrival in Tokyo. They signed a joint statement to step up cooperation
on global issues, including the North Korean nuclear and abduction issues and
reform of the United Nations. The joint statement contained a basic action plan
for broadening the nations' high-level political dialogue and strengthening
cooperation in the areas of politics, economics, culture and education over the
next 10 years.
Japan as Mongolia's staunch supporter
During the Cold War, when Mongolia was one-party state, the country relied
heavily on the Soviet Union and, to a lesser extent, on other Moscow allies for
trade and economic aid. But after the end of the Cold War and the subsequent
demise of the Soviet Union, Mongolia began to seek increased relations with the
Western camp, especially the US and Japan.
Japan spearheaded international efforts to assist Mongolia in its transition to
democracy and market economy. Then-prime minister Toshiki Kaifu became the
first leader of a major industrialized nation belonging to the Western camp to
visit Mongolia, in 1991. Tokyo also hosted the first six meetings of aid donor
nations and organizations for Mongolia from 1991 until 1997, which were
co-chaired by Japan and the World Bank.
The 10th such meeting was also held in Tokyo in 2003. Japan has been Mongolia's
largest single aid donor since 1991, providing a total of 140 billion yen in
official development assistance, including about 75 billion yen in
grants-in-aid, by the end of fiscal 2005 last March.
Soviet troops were long stationed in Mongolia, mostly on its border with China,
although they were completely withdrawn at the end of 1992 amid an easing of
tensions between Moscow and Beijing. Ulan Bator has since given top
foreign-policy priority to developing friendly and balanced relations with its
two giant neighbors - Russia to the north and China to the south. At the same
time, however, Mongolia has pursued strengthened relations with what it calls
"third neighbors", especially Japan, the US and Europe.
Mongolian Prime Minister Miegombyn Enkhbold chose Japan last March as the
destination for his first overseas trip since taking office. During his visit,
Enkhbold watched the final day of the 15-day Spring Grand Sumo Tournament and
awarded Yokozuna (grand champion) Asashoryu with the Mongolian Prime Minister's
Cup in person. Asashoryu is the most successful of many Mongolian wrestlers in
Japan's sumo world.
In addition to continued generous economic aid, Mongolia apparently hopes for
Japan's continued support in further integrating its economy into the regional
- and global - economy. In 1998, Mongolia joined the ASEAN Regional Forum
(ARF), a multilateral forum established in 1994 to discuss security issues in
the Asia-Pacific region.
Last September, Mongolia was also admitted to Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), a
forum of Asian and European nations established in 1996 to discuss
inter-regional cooperation in a wide range of areas. But Mongolia has no
membership yet in key regional groupings mainly discussing economic
cooperation, such as Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), ASEAN Plus Three
(the 10 member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus Japan,
China and South Korea) and the East Asia Summit (EAS).
Mongolia as Japan's reliable partner
Tokyo sees Mongolia as a valuable pro-Japan nation in Asia. According to an
opinion poll conducted in late 2004 by the Japanese Embassy in Ulan Bator
through the National University of Mongolia, more than 70% of Mongolian people
polled said they felt an affinity with Japan. In addition, the largest
percentage - 37.4% - of those polled cited Japan as a foreign country with
which Mongolia should have the most intimate relations.
In stark contrast, Japan's relations with other Northeast Asian neighbors,
except Taiwan, are tense or often uneasy at best. Japan has no diplomatic
relations with North Korea. Anti-Japan feelings are still running deep among
many people in China and South Korea, where Japan's wartime aggression and
atrocities are still bitterly remembered.
There are other reasons for Japan to place great emphasis on relations with
Mongolia.
Unlike Japan, Mongolia has diplomatic relations with North Korea. Concerns
about Pyongyang's nuclear-weapons and missile programs have not abated despite
recent progress on the diplomatic front.
Resource-poor Japan has recently focused its diplomatic attention on Central
Asia, a region rich in oil, gas and other resources. Koizumi made a trip to the
region last August, the first by a Japanese premier. Japan's diplomatic foray
into Central Asia comes at a time when the US, Russia and China are all flexing
their political muscles in the resource-rich but volatile region, competing in
an attempt to secure energy and influence. Japan apparently desires to play a
greater geopolitical role, not only in Central Asia but also in Eurasia as a
whole, while countering the growing influence of Russia and China in the
region.
In a development that raised eyebrows in the US, which is Japan's most
important ally, China, Russia and four Central Asian countries issued a joint
statement at a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in July
2005 calling for an early withdrawal of US forces from Central Asia. The four
Central Asian nations are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.
There is now only one US base in Central Asia - in Kyrgyzstan.
Mongolia joined the SCO as an observer along with India, Pakistan and Iran, but
wants closer ties with the US and Japan to reduce its heavy dependence on China
and Russia. Meanwhile, Japan's ties with both China and Russia, leading members
of the SCO, are far from easy over a variety of issues, including nasty
territorial rows. Japan has also frequently locked horns with China over
natural-gas reserves in the East China Sea.
When Koizumi visited Ulan Bator last August, he proposed the establishment of a
working-level "forum for dialogue" to discuss North Korea and regional and
international affairs, citing Mongolia's diplomatic relations with North Korea
and participation in the SCO as an observer. His Mongolian counterpart,
Enkhbold, agreed to Koizumi's proposal.
Although it was probably a sheer coincidence, on the second and final day of
the Japanese leader's visit to Ulan Bator, a two-week joint military exercise
in peacekeeping techniques, code-named "Khan Quest 2006", kicked off in the
suburbs of the capital, mainly involving US and Mongolian troops. Bangladesh,
India, Thailand, Tonga and Fiji also sent troops to participate. Several
countries, including the UK, France, Italy, Japan, Russia and South Korea sent
observers. Fukushiro Nukaga, the then Japanese defense chief, also made a visit
to Mongolia last September, the first by a Japanese defense chief.
Mongolia is rich in a variety of minerals, especially coal and copper, although
these remain largely unexploited. This is another magnet for resource-strapped
Japan's growing attention. The joint statement signed by Abe and Enkhbayar on
Monday calls for increased cooperation in the development of Mongolia's
underground resources.
The Tavan Tolgoi coal deposit in the Gobi Desert in southern of Mongolia could
be the largest unmined coking-coal deposit in the world. The Oyu Tolgoi
copper-gold porphyry deposit, also in the Gobi Desert, is also highly promising
as it is believed be the second-largest such deposit in the world. China is
also keen to exploit Mongolia's mineral and energy resources to fuel its
red-hot economy.
Hisane Masaki is a Tokyo-based journalist, commentator and scholar on
international politics and economy. Masaki's e-mail address is yiu45535@nifty.com.
(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us
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