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    Japan
     Aug 25, 2007
Page 2 of 2
'Confluence of the two seas'
By Purnendra Jain

certain quarters of Indian society for Bush's role in Iraq and China being a non-democratic country. For the Japanese leader, there was spontaneous unanimity.

Abe titled his speech "Futatsu no umi no majiwari", or "Confluence of the Two Seas", after a book authored by the 17th-century Mughal prince Dara Shikoh, eldest son of Emperor Shah Jahan. Although an unsung hero who was outmaneuvered and



ultimately executed by his younger brother Aurangzeb, who grabbed the throne and imprisoned his father, Dara was first and foremost an intellectual and strove to bring the people of different faiths together. Among his many books is the famous Majma ul-Bahrain (The Mingling of the Two Oceans), in which he highlighted the similarities between Hindu and Sufi concepts and teachings.

In his speech, Abe introduced the idea of a "broader Asia" or "expanded Asia" (kakudai Ajia) constituting Pacific and Indian Ocean countries that share the common values of democracy, freedom and respect for basic human rights. He said, "By Japan and India coming together in this way, this broader Asia will evolve into an immense network spanning the entirety of the Pacific Ocean, incorporating the United States of America and Australia." Although the C-word was not mentioned, it clearly gave the message that Beijing's regime and its poor human-rights record do not qualify it to be part of such a group.

While Abe's message is certainly music to the ears of many in India, New Delhi is hesitant to play a zero-sum game against Beijing, as it also wants to engage China economically and diplomatically. On the other hand, Delhi has been particularly keen to gather Tokyo's support for its nuclear deal with the US and would like to see greater trade with and investment from Japan.

Abe did not disappoint his host on the economic front. He expressed his willingness to fast-track the proposed economic partnership agreement with India that will facilitate bilateral trade, which was less than $8 billion last year, constituting less than half of the $20 billion India-China trade. The aim is to lift India-Japan trade to $20 billion by 2010.

One of the other economic highlights of Abe's visit was his support for a $100 billion infrastructure project to build a freight and industrial corridor between New Delhi and Mumbai. Government and private funds from Japan are likely to provide one-third of the cost, and the project is to commence next year. This is a mammoth project, and Japan is interested in contributing to it as much as possible, for the lack of infrastructure such as roads, ports and transportation has often been cited as major hurdles in Japan's low level of investment in India. Last year, Japan invested only about $540 million in India, which was just over 3% of the total foreign direct investment in the country.

When asked about his support for India's civilian nuclear agreement with the US, as expected, Abe responded diplomatically by saying Tokyo is "carefully considering" its effects on the global non-proliferation regime. Abe's "Cool Earth 50" initiative that seeks to halve global gas emissions by 2050 received a similar response from Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who said it should "receive serious consideration".

On the nuclear issue, the Japanese will remain cautious until such time the US-India accord gets the final nod from both countries and international formalities, including the International Atomic Energy Agency's inspection regime, are in place. From Japan's business perspective, however, building of new nuclear power plants in India would mean great opportunities for Japanese companies, as they are world leaders in this technology.

In a curious move, Abe held a brief meeting with the son of the late Radhabinod Pal in Kolkata, which has raised some concern in both Beijing and South Korea, who are suspicious of Abe's nationalistic agenda. Judge Pal was the only dissenting voice at the Tokyo Tribunal that convicted Japanese war criminals. Judge Pal is regarded highly in Japan, and a monument dedicated to him stands on the premises of the Yasukuni Shrine, where millions of war criminals are enshrined. Abe's grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, who was Japan's prime minister in the 1950s, was jailed as a Class A war-criminal suspect but was not indicted.

Abe's visit to India came exactly 50 years after Kishi's visit to New Delhi at the invitation of prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru to address the nation from the rampart of the historic Red Fort in the capital. Although the huge goodwill generated through Kishi's visit did not produce long-term tangible results in the bilateral relationship, the Abe visit is another historic landmark in ties that are set to strengthen and prosper.

Whether or not Abe continues as prime minister, the new momentum created in India-Japan relations is likely to continue. With change in government and political leaders in either country, the pace may slow down but it can't be reversed, as both Japan and India have finally recognized their shared aspirations and mutual benefit through a closer relationship.

Purnendra Jain is professor and head of Asian Studies at Australia's Adelaide University.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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