Korea

Korean nukes mean (bad) business
By Gary LaMoshi

To: Roh Moo-hyun, President-elect, Republic of Korea
From: Gary LaMoshi, Asia Times Online, Hong Kong
Re: Your role in derailing North Korea's nuclear madness

Congratulations on your election victory. You have a received a mandate to carry on the work of President Kim Dae-jung in reforming the South Korean economy and ensuring that democracy sinks roots deeper into the soil of your wonderful nation.

As your inauguration date approaches, the shadow of North Korea's nuclear-weapons program hangs menacingly over the peninsula. This crisis comes at an inconvenient time for Seoul, just as it does for Washington. The White House has drawn deserved criticism for failing to let the real crisis in Korea interfere with the crisis it seeks to create in Iraq. But the Blue House hasn't covered itself in glory with its reaction to Pyongyang's game of atomic blackmail, either.

Outgoing President Kim treats North Korea's reopening of its bomb-building facilities as a temporary cloud over his Nobel Prize-winning Sunshine Policy of detente with the rogue regime, and you have pledged that the issue will not be resolved with force. Caution about confronting the North is understandable; even without nuclear weapons, North Korea has the capability to reduce Seoul to the "sea of fire" its propaganda machine threatens. But South Korea's leaders, not US President George W Bush, must lead the way to stop North Korea from developing nuclear weapons.

Hearts and minds
As you know, your nation's heart often overrules its brain when it comes to Pyongyang. Despite a half-century at war, highlighted by periodic belligerent outbursts such as last June's sea battle, South Koreans still view the North as wayward brothers and sisters and yearn to hug them to the national bosom. Kim Jong-il's regime may be responsible for tens of thousands of Korean deaths on both sides of the Demilitarized Zone, but if the Dear Leader lets a couple dozen families in the South (or Japan) meet their long-lost cousins, he's a hero.

A recent poll found that South Koreans overwhelmingly, and ludicrously, consider the United States a greater threat than North Korea. Longstanding resentment about the 37,000 US troops in South Korea that help defend your nation from North Korea boiled over when an American military court acquitted two soldiers in the accidental road deaths of two teenage girls. Your presidential campaign capitalized on these anti-American sentiments, if it did not heighten them.

Peter Tasker's recent thriller, Dragon Dance (see review, Japan's right rising from Koizumi's ashes, December 7, 2002), describes secret agents framing a US serviceman in Japan for a grisly murder. It would be surprising if North Korea's covert operatives, with a resume that includes civilian kidnappings and bomb attacks against South Korean cabinet members, weren't working to produce a similar incident to drive a wedge deeper between your nation and its most reliable ally.

Foreign troops, no matter their mission, are inevitably a source of resentment in the host country and a tinderbox, but Korean history complicates the picture. Your fierce national pride is the legacy of centuries of colonization first by China and then, more brutally, by Japan. The twin national pastimes of hating the Japanese and emulating them - from economic models to cheering sections at baseball games - underscore a conflicted national psyche when it comes to foreigners.

Korean bomb
That conflict provides fertile ground for North Korean propaganda that paints Washington as Korea's real enemy. In that formulation, it's "US imperialism" that keeps the Korean people divided and their national destiny unfulfilled. Oh, sure, North Korea would unleash that "sea of fire" in Seoul, but it would be the Americans' fault.

South Korea's ultranationalist political fringe, and, I suspect, the ultranationalist fringe in every South Korean mind, can find several things to cheer in the crisis. Perhaps nuclear arms will finally drive the latest foreign occupiers off the peninsula and leave Koreans to settle matters for themselves without foreign interference. (Good luck.) Let's face it, disliking foreigners is as Korean as be bim bap.

A Korean bomb would make your people a force to reckoned with, not colonized and patronized. Even a handful of nukes would serve as powerful persuaders for the Japanese, who still try to cover up their documented atrocities in Korea to pander to their own ultranationalists, to apologize and compensate for damages wrought. You need to tackle this brand of fuzzy thinking head-on.

You must emphasize that the only country North Korea has ever made war on is South Korea and that nuclear weapons only make that regime more dangerous to all, no matter what the propaganda broadcasts say. For its own safety, South Korea must ensure that North Korea honors its pledge not to develop nukes.

Disarming logic
To counter this real and dangerous threat from North Korea effectively, Seoul needs the help of the United States, the only nation with the requisite might, as well as an unbroken history, written in blood, of friendship and cooperation with South Korea. Washington and Seoul must be full partners in formulating and carrying out the appropriate policy to end North Korea's nuclear adventurism. That is only road to security on the peninsula and to peaceful reconciliation between the Korean people.

Many South Koreans are reluctant to accept this message. So instead it appears you are trying take a back-door approach to the situation by demonstrating that the crisis is bad business for South Korea.

Your recent dalliance with lawyer Jeffrey D Jones, a partner at Kim & Chang and last year's American Chamber of Commerce president in Seoul, hinting a possible advisory position in your administration, is a clever idea to build the feeling of partnership with the United States. So is highlighting the 24 percent fall in foreign investment in South Korea last year, a 42 percent decline compared with 2000.

However, these moves may well heighten ambivalent attitudes toward the US and foreign investment rather than foster a consensus for cooperation. Portraying the crisis as a drag on South Korea's economy will spur calls for ending it by any means, even capitulation to the North's nuclear ambitions. You cannot accept that.

Casting the crisis as an economic issue also carries grave danger. You also must recognize that the chaebol will lead the parade to appease North Korea. They dabble in tourism and infrastructure projects now, but their real goal is to see North Korea become their version of China or Vietnam: a low-price production center where workers are under the thumb of an oppressive regime that grants these Korean conglomerates special privileges. That's how they envisage regaining their former glory and reasserting their dominance over your economy. They couldn't care less what Kim Jong-il does with his nukes, as long as he doesn't aim them at their factories.

Your nation is facing a grave challenge, and you must confront it. That means uniting your nation behind an effort with the US and other international partners to keep the Korean Peninsula nuclear-free. That means convincing your people that North Korean nuclear weapons pose an intolerable threat, and it means convincing the Bush administration that it must act decisively with your nation to end that threat. You have a lot of work to do on both fronts.

Unlike Dear Leaders, great leaders are not born with that mantle, they are forged by difficult times such as these.

(©2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Feb 7, 2003


Pyongyang: An immoral program of provocation
(Jan 28, '03)

New dynamics in US-Korean relations
(Jan 9, '03)

Anti-Americanism all the rage
(Dec 20, '02)

 

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