Korea

North Korea talks: Multilateral intrigue
By Jaewoo Choo

   It's all up to the US, says North Korea

SEOUL - Someone had to iron things out. Too many things were going on around the Korean Peninsula seemingly without much notice while our attention was very much preoccupied with 24-hour breaking news during the past month or so. In the end, victory in Iraq was achieved by the United States as it envisaged, and the North Korean nuclear issue will now be discussed and negotiated in a multilateral setting as the US desired.

To achieve the latter end, the US and its allies, namely South Korea and Japan, made every possible effort in persuading their counterparts, China and North Korea. Those efforts are now heralded as a victory of multilateral cooperation not only among the US and its allies but also with those other concerned states, Russia and China. At the outset, the coordination behind the cooperative efforts seemed to be out of tune. Nevertheless, it all ended in harmony as it satisfied the concerned players.

This is how it started out. Despite many threats and speculation from and to Pyongyang on its nuclear programs, no concrete action followed. On April 1, for instance, there were reports that North Korea was about to conduct another round of long-range missile tests, for which there was later to be found to be no evidence. An April Fool's Day joke? What happened with the International Atomic Energy Agency's effort to present the North Korean nuclear case to the United Nations Security Council for discussion as a result of its vote on February 13? The vote result received much glamorous appraisal because China consented to it.

The Security Council convened as originally scheduled on April 9 to discuss the matter, but there ended up being no substantial consequences. It was supposed to draft a condemnation of North Korea for its unregulated nuclear program. It failed to do so, however, based on the reasoning, proclaimed by China, that such a message would cause North Korea loss of face and would only backfire. A day later, when North Korea was expected to announce its official withdrawal from the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as it claimed it would do three months ago, there was not a word from Pyongyang on the matter. Instead, an economic cooperation meeting and ministerial talks that were supposed to have been held during the week between the South and North were canceled at the unilateral call from the latter.

In the meantime, Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi made an official visit to Beijing early this month. About the same time, South Korean Foreign Minister Yoon Young-kwan met with his US counterpart, Secretary of State Colin Powell. On his way back, Yoon made a stopover in Tokyo. Earlier, South Korean National Security Advisor Dr Ra Jong-il assumed his mission of negotiation and discussion with his counterparts in Moscow and Beijing. After Ra's return to Korea on April 3, Kawaguchi resumed talks with Beijing diplomats. Finally US President George W Bush, on April 11, gave both Beijing and Pyongyang a lot to think about. His statement was simple: rogue states, including Syria, should not be so silly as to try to become another Iraq.

It seemed his message was conveyed directly with a great effect to North Korea, as Pyongyang responded in a positive way. It decided to come to a negotiation table with China present if the United States changed its stance on the issue, meaning no bullying and exercising patience. Now Bush has one more reason to celebrate his nation's victory in Iraq: bringing North Korea to negotiation. Now this is where one has to raise one's eyebrows and wonder what happened with China, which had previously maintained an unyielding posture against the world's demand that it play a more active role to achieve such consequences.

Unlike Russia, which went public about its intolerance of any further action by North Korea on the nuclear issue and demanded that Pyongyang accept multilateral negotiation, China refrained from expressing its position. Admittedly, China is sly when it comes to North Korean issues. It is not going to tell you anything nor will it say anything, but will maintain an indifferent posture. One thing for sure is that it is not moved by any force, or any kind of pressure, regardless of its origin. China's foreign policy and behavior always revolve around its national interests.

China is certainly reluctant to see anything happen on the Korean Peninsula, especially anything that would contrast with its own national interests. This is particularly so as long as its relationship with North Korea is bound by the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance ratified in 1961. Under this treaty, China has an obligation to provide assistance and military support if and when North Korea is under a threat from a third party or is attacked. On the other hand, it would not be so obliged in a case in which its ally threatened or attacked others. Whether China would abide by the treaty in case of emergency remains to be seen. Nevertheless, the treaty has defined how China conducts relations and policy with North Korea and those concerned with the North Korean affairs.

It has been reported that on at least two occasions, China talked to, and perhaps persuaded, North Korea to consider alternatives to its nuclear program. Last month China reportedly sent a delegation consisting of officials from the Communist Party's Foreign Attache Office. Then there was speculation involving the recent unofficial and discreet visit by Cho Myong-nok, the first deputy chairman of North Korea's Central Military Committee. It is reported that Cho has been in Beijing for medical treatment since April 7. A man of his stature in the midst of all these developments surrounding his nation would have a profound influence on the outcomes, such as this week's announcement by Beijing of North Korea's agreement to have talks with the United States in a trilateral setting that excluded South Korea.

The critical question remains for further observation. Will we be able to see any sufficient progress as a result of the trilateral talks among Washington, Beijing and Pyongyang? If we recollect correctly, it took almost two years before the four-party talks saw any action in December 1998.

What the trilateral talks will accomplish is difficult to say at this moment because they will be subject to the wishes of the US, as it is in the driver's seat. The US determination and action will obviously be subject to President Bush's reelection scheme. Given that he will seek another term, he may want to go slowly with the North Korean case and other related issues as he will be preoccupied with other matters that are in more direct concern for his reelection strategy. Maybe China has realized this and utilized it for its own benefit. Maybe not. It will be become clearer as the trilateral talks progress.

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Apr 19, 2003



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