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Kim Jong-il's impeccable logic
By Marc Erikson

Kim Jong-il has been accused of being some sort of a dangerous nut case, erratic, paranoid, mendacious, a loose cannon. His behavior at one time or another has displayed all of those characteristics. But he and his father have ruled North Korea for 58 years - not a mean feat, however horrendous for the ruled. And since last October, when confronted by the United States with evidence of a clandestine uranium-enrichment program, the Kim regime has once again displayed remarkable survival tactics under adverse circumstances.

Kim may be paranoid, but he does have enemies. He has lied and broken treaties, but that's not the most uncommon of practices in international politics. He has proved erratic, but a better term might be "unpredictable". His regime, by almost any moral standard, is utterly reprehensible, but the logic of his survival strategy and actions, as demonstrated yet again during and after the just-concluded Beijing six-way talks, is impeccable.

Last October, it appears, Kim had concluded that US President George W Bush would sooner or later attack Iraq and get rid of Saddam Hussein - and that he might well be next in line. He also probably saw no great upside to denying US uranium-enrichment charges, as US intelligence had probably learned about it from its new friends, the Pakistanis, who had had a hand in supplying North Korea with enrichment-centrifuge technology. After the admission of guilt (sort of), Kim threw a fit and embarked on a relentless series of crisis-escalation steps, culminating in the announcement of resumption of spent-fuel-rod plutonium reprocessing. This got the world's attention, the US's and China's in particular. China, its essential regional strategic interests at risk, went all out to arrange for negotiations. The US agreed to talk. North Korea was in a position to make demands rather than facing sanctions or possible military attack. It had also gained time - if needs be to produce more weapons and weapons materials. By late April, Kim had won Round 1.

Round 2, the six-way talks, it now emerges, went even better for the Dear Leader. While the US stonewalled with its "comprehensive, verifiable, and irreversible" nuclear disarmament formula, the North Korean negotiator presented a comprehensive package deal, in essence proposing nuclear disarmament in return for a non-aggression pact with the US. The proposed deal would insist on the "principle of simultaneity", any step by North Korea being matched by a US move, beginning with a North Korean declaration of intent to scrap nuclear programs and US assurances of non-aggression. This would be followed by more formal and tangible steps, eg, US resumption of heavy-oil shipments in return for readmission of United Nations inspectors, and so on.

The US rejects this approach and insists on verifiable disarmament prior to any concessions; it also has refused the signing of a formal non-aggression treaty - ever. The US stance was labeled "gangster-like" by North Korea after the six-way talks and described as follows by the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA): "The United States insists that we take off our clothes until we get stark naked, while it refuses to move even one step."

Who knows about "gangster-like", but otherwise the characterization was pretty much accurate and implicitly deplored as well by China and South Korea when they said that "simultaneous steps" were necessary when going forward. In effect, through its negotiating tactics, spiced up by threatening a nuclear test, North Korea has driven at least a bit of a wedge between members of the initially solid front of five demanding its disarmament. China, I'm told, while publicly putting a positive spin on the latest Beijing confab, quietly says that North Korea was "understandably disappointed" by the outcome. South Korea has publicly spoken in favor of "simultaneity".

Where will this lead now? After initially dismissing further talks as useless and announcing that it would now have no choice but to strengthen its "deterrent forces", North Korea said on Tuesday that it was willing to resolve the dispute over its nuclear program "through dialogue". It's now the US that is in the most uncomfortable position. Its "rejectionist" stance is dictated by the fact that just about no one in Washington, not even among ranking opposition Democrats, believes that Kim Jong-il is a credible negotiating partner and just about everyone believes that Kim rather than his nukes is the problem, ie, that only regime change will ultimately settle the issue.

On the other hand, of course, Kim surely is aware of that thinking in the Bush administration and beyond (though not reaching all the way to the gullible Jimmy Carter). Kim is confronting Washington with the unpalatable choice of either conceding "simultaneity" or driving a hard line to which he has threatened to respond by formally declaring North Korea a nuclear power and conducting a nuclear test. Kim's logic is simple: If the US really is intent on getting rid of me Saddam-style, then I must keep my nukes - the one thing Saddam didn't have and which sank him. And Kim's logic has the practical advantage that neither China nor South Korea is likely to agree to sanctions, even if it proves difficult to reconvene negotiations or future negotiations formally break down.

China will continue to play the crucial role. It will put pressure on both Washington and Pyongyang to give a little and sit down together again, perhaps as early as October. The one thing China will not condone is a North Korean nuclear test. Too much in strategic and economic terms hangs on - minimally - preserving the status quo. Japan is already prepared to allocate billions of dollars to missile defense and may take a much more aggressive military stance in case of a North Korean test. Foreign investors, for their part, will reduce their China exposure if and when they begin to perceive clear and present danger in Northeast Asia. Were Kim to test, China would conclude that all bets are off and very likely join the regime-change camp - with likely dire consequences for Kim. But on performance to date, Kim will know that and meanwhile is sitting pretty.

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Sep 4, 2003




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Disconnect in Beijing (Apr 26, '03)
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