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China-North Korea: 'Lips and teeth' set to part?
By Devon Rowcliffe

BUSAN - When twilight ascends upon East Asia this Friday evening, the future direction of North Korea's increasingly tenuous relations with China may become much clearer.

North Korea has received an exhausting amount of media coverage over the past several weeks: for initially scoffing at a security offer from the United States, threatening to explode a nuclear bomb, testing several short-range missiles, spewing yet more of its tiresome brand of garrulous statements, and ultimately agreeing to take a serious look at the aforementioned US security pact.

However, one issue of crucial importance that has been largely overlooked is the fluctuating relationship between North Korea and China. The once-cohesive bond between the two states has shown clear signs of unraveling in recent months and could be irreversibly damaged if upcoming talks prove unfruitful.

China's parliamentary head Wu Bangguo is visiting North Korea this week, a brief trip that will give Pyongyang the opportunity to halt any further deterioration of its ties with Beijing. A previous planned meeting was canceled when North Korea accused China of being "in cahoots" with South Korea regarding Pyongyang's nuclear program. The upcoming "friendly" talks are likely to play an important role in deciding whether China chooses to remain a firm ally of North Korea, or if Beijing instead elects to become a "friend at arm's length" with Pyongyang, as Russia has become in recent years.

North Korea's international negotiating strategies, once startling and effective, have become tiresome and transparent. Tactics based upon threats to disrupt global peace once drew fear and gifts of appeasement from major world powers; today, however, Pyongyang's predictable actions are more often met merely with irritation. Russia, formerly North Korea's strongest ally, has already distanced itself from the communist regime, in large part due to the pariah-like behavior of Pyongyang. And given that North Korea has decided to use its confrontational style of negotiating against China, one of its few remaining allies, the lonely member of the "axis of evil" may soon find itself more isolated than ever before.

Moscow's relationship with the "rogue state", once a vital source of aid and diplomatic assistance to North Korea, is now largely a formality. Leaders of the two countries still shake hands and pose for cheerful photo-ops together; however, capitalist Russia would now rather engage in trade with predictable and stable South Korea than associate itself with the antics that have come to exemplify Seoul's northern neighbor. Russia's participation in naval exercises with Japan and South Korea this year clearly illustrate where the former Soviet state's true alliances now lie.

North Korea risks a similar scenario with China: relations languishing to a point of inconsolable tarnish. China, which once described its relationship with North Korea as "as close as lips and teeth", has become increasingly perturbed by Pyongyang's reckless behavior. Beijing has much to lose from North Korea's predictable disturbances - China is now fervently embracing global trade, and thus places increasing importance on international political (and thus economic) stability. Additionally, China's ties with the United States, which have improved dramatically in recent years, are threatened by a disruptive North Korea.

China has demonstrated that it will no longer simply overlook Pyongyang's erratic behavior, and that it is just as willing to clash diplomatically with North Korea as it is with the United States. Last October, China's leadership described Pyongyang's uranium-enrichment program as "diplomatic adventurism". In January, when Pyongyang withdrew from the non-proliferation treaty, Beijing sent a senior official to North Korea to scorn the country, and briefly stopped oil shipments in February. Energy shipments were again suspended in March in an effort to push North Korea into multilateral talks with the US. China's warnings in March and July were reportedly the impetus for North Korea eventually joining such talks. And most recently, Beijing gave support to the US-initiated Proliferation Security Initiative and several other measures on North Korea, much to the chagrin of Pyongyang. Clearly, China has become increasingly hostile toward North Korea, a trend that should worry the leadership in Pyongyang.

The important question for North Korea is whether it can afford to let China slip away, just as Russia has. China supplies North Korea with 80 percent of its energy, commodity and fuel requirements, and is responsible for approximately 40 percent of Pyongyang's imports. While it is questionable whether China would aid North Korea in the event of war, the two countries still technically share a mutual defense pact. Beijing is adamantly opposed to economic sanctions upon Pyongyang, and yields the power to veto such efforts if proposed in the United Nations Security Council. China's tight security at its border with North Korea helps prevent a mass exodus of refugees from the Stalinist regime. Beijing frequently serves as a mediator between Pyongyang and its traditional foes at multinational talks, a role that no other country is likely to volunteer for. Finally, China provides invaluable advice to North Korea on its sluggish adoption of market economic traits. Pyongyang risks losing clearly a vital partner if China and the North become estranged bedfellows.

The onus will be on North Korea at this week's talks to reassure China that a genuine alliance between the two countries is worth salvaging. North Korea's short list of allies has been shrinking with each year - thus Pyongyang's cronies should cringe at the thought of losing yet another trusted partner.

The North Korean regime will only have itself to blame if it alienates one of its few remaining friends - a possibility that the desperate country can hardly afford. And it is precisely this scenario - a North Korea with fewer options than ever before - that should cause the world true alarm.

Devon Rowcliffe has a master's degree in Asian politics from the University of Toronto.
 
Oct 31, 2003



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