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SEOUL WATCH
A capital idea to move the capital?

By Aidan Foster-Carter

Your starter for 10. What does South Korea's president, Roh Moo-hyun, regard as "the most important task facing the nation" at this juncture?

He has plenty to choose from. De-fanging North Korea, of nukes and more, surely tops anyone's list. Or relatedly, handling increasingly tetchy ties with the United States - whose new plan to withdraw one-third of its 37,000 troops from the peninsula by end-2005 means Roh's avowed quest for a more independent defense stance had better get into gear, fast.

Then there's the economy. How to get consumers spending again, after being burned in the recent credit card debt crunch? Or longer-term (but the clock is ticking): How to beat off Chinese competition and make the tough leap into services and top-end manufacture?

All these are weighty tasks. More than enough, you might think, to keep South Korea's newly restored leader occupied for the four more years in office,which the Constitutional Court's rejection in May of an opposition impeachment motion has vouchsafed to him.

But Roh Moo-hyun has other priorities. For him, "the most important task facing the nation is to ensure regional uniformity through decentralization." Forget Kim Jong-il; never mind the economy. The real problem is Seoul. It's gotten way too big for its boots.

A political outsider who plays up his provincial underdog roots, Roh Moo-hyun wants a more equal South Korea: be it socially, or between regions. To this end, he plans to move the capital, no less. By 2012, the whole government - the Blue House, national assembly, supreme court, all ministries, and more - is to relocate to a new site, some 100 kilometers further south. Four towns in the Chungchong region are vying to become the new Seoul.

Moving the capital could cost $100 billion
This won't come cheap. Roh's airy first figure of US$4 billion, when he campaigned for this shift in 2002, has since ballooned 10-fold - officially. Independent critics reckon the real bill could top $100 billion. No one really knows: with no site yet, there are no blueprints.

Nor have there been any public hearings or consultation exercises for so vast a change. In his campaign Roh pledged a referendum - but is now backtracking, saying parliamentary approval suffices. That came last December, when the opposition Grand National Party (GNP), which then controlled the assembly, backed the bill - pressed, it now admits, by its Chungchong legislators, who feared losing their seats if the party opposed it. In the event, Chungchong votes were crucial in Roh's narrow win. (Is that smell pork-barrel?)

True, Seoul has long been likened to a vortex relentlessly sucking resources to the center. Greater Seoul, including Kyonggi province and Inchon port, is home to 40% of South Korea's 48 million people. But as this sprawl spreads, one fear is that Chungchong is too close - and would merely become the southern tip of a vast lozenge-shaped megalopolis.

At least four questions arise. One is how shifting the capital meshes with other policies. The slogan of making Korea east Asia's business hub is hard to pin down, but its major manifestation so far - New Songdo City, a planned $190 billion regeneration project near Inchon - involves heading west, not south. Nearby Inchon International Airport is already a long haul from downtown Seoul; it would be a whole lot further from Chungchong.

Second, can South Korea really afford this? Surging growth and fiscal discipline have left public finances healthy - for now. But many calls on the exchequer loom: $103 billion to compensate farmers for market opening; $21 billion extra on defense in the next decade, to make up for the US force drawdown; a pension system that will go bust without more infusions; and above all, the trillion-dollar question of eventual Korean reunification.

More sense to move the capital north for reunification
Whereby hangs a third objection. Seoul's mayor, Lee Myung Bak - a potential GNP presidential contender in 2007, not too late to scrap the move - is clearly no neutral. Yet it's hard to disagree when he notes that, come unification - "not so far away", in his view - a capital south from Seoul would be politically absurd. If anything, since the northern economy will need boosting, it makes more sense to build a new capital in the old north.

All this apart, Roh's stated motive is itself misconceived. "Uniformity," as a professed goal, is as depressing as it is utopian - so last century, so Korean. All development is unequal, but South Korea's (like Taiwan's) has in fact been much more egalitarian than most. Yet that proven fact cuts little ice with Koreans; many itch to hammer any nail that sticks out. Inequality, comrade? Look at China, India, Brazil, the US - or North Korea, whose regions really are ripped off so a small elite can lord it in a Potemkin Pyongyang.

Vox populi? Public opinion is predictably split. Chungchong is keen (surprise!), while Seoul, Kyonggi and Inchon are all lobbying hard against the move. Nationwide, pros and cons each have around 40% support - but 70% there should be a referendum first.

Despite denying one now, a referendum may be Roh Moo-hHyun's best way forward - or way out. (Last year, months after taking office, he called one on his own stewardship; this would have been unconstitutional, and it was dropped.) Otherwise, his not-so-capital idea threatens to become yet another long-running bone of contention in an already divided society - and a big distraction from South Korea's real security and economic challenges.

Aidan Foster-Carter is honorary senior research fellow in sociology and modern Korea, Leeds University, England.

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Jun 22, 2004



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