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    Korea
     Feb 16, 2005
COMMENTARY
Pyongyang puts the ball in Seoul's court
By Ralph A Cossa

Is South Korea bluffing? This is the first question that came to mind when I heard that North Korea had taken another step out of the nuclear closet by stating, unambiguously, that it possessed nuclear weapons and was intent on building more.

Yes, I meant South Korea. I will leave it to others to speculate whether the North is bluffing. It very well could be. After all, there is no more reason to believe Pyongyang's claim of possessing nuclear weapons than there was to believe previous assertions that it did not have them. But it seems foolish, and foolhardy, to ignore the intended message. And the message was clear: "We had already taken the resolute action of pulling out of the NPT [Non-Proliferation Treaty] and have manufactured nukes for self-defense to cope with the Bush administration's undisguised policy to isolate and stifle the DPRK [Democratic People's Republic of Korea]." This sounds to me like a clear-cut declaration by North Korea that it is a nuclear-weapons state.

While North Korea previously claimed that it had "weaponized" its reprocessed plutonium, this latest Foreign Ministry statement was much more explicit. It also asserted that North Korea planned "to bolster its nuclear weapons arsenal" as well. Pyongyang's announcement that it was "suspending its participation" in the talks (as opposed to quitting them) because of Washington's continued "hostile policy" also brings to an abrupt end the optimistic speculation that the six-party dialogue would soon resume.

Pyongyang's declaration puts the ball squarely in Seoul's court. South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun has consistently argued that his country "would not tolerate" nuclear weapons in the North. Pyongyang, Roh asserted, could either go down the path of political and economic cooperation with the South and reap the considerable rewards inherent in this choice, or it could choose to pursue nuclear weapons and face political and economic isolation. North Korea could not have it both ways ... or can it? However else you choose to interpret the North's latest statement, it clearly is calling Seoul's hand on this issue.

If President Roh is serious about not tolerating a nuclear North Korea, at an absolute minimum he should immediately announce that South Korea is "suspending its participation" in all economic cooperation and assistance programs with North Korea until Pyongyang has provided a satisfactory explanation regarding its declared nuclear capabilities and intentions. Others (especially in Washington and Tokyo) are likely to call for more drastic measures, including immediate economic sanctions, but this could be a step too far (at least initially). It also puts others in the driver's seat that Roh has long aspired to occupy.

The other six-party participants (China, Japan, Russia and the United States) should support this action and announce that they are taking (or at least considering) similar steps. But the measure will be most meaningful (and can only truly be effective) if it is initiated by Seoul, since it is South Korea that possesses the greatest degree of (largely unused and untested) leverage over North Korea. To give credit where credit is due, this is largely a result of former president Kim Dae-jung's "Sunshine Policy" of economic engagement with the North. Since the historic 2000 North-South summit, North Korea has become increasingly dependent on Seoul economically, while its (increasingly tentative) international acceptability also has its roots in Seoul's encouragement to others to engage the North. One wonders if Roh is prepared to use this leverage now that it really matters.

The next step should be for Beijing, ideally at Seoul's request, to call an emergency plenary session of the six-party talks, inviting Pyongyang to attend and provide further explanation of its current stance, but making it clear that the meeting will proceed regardless of whether North Korea participates.

North Korea has in effect played a "divide and conquer" game throughout the nuclear standoff. If it receives conflicting signals from Washington, Seoul, Beijing, Tokyo and Moscow in the face of this latest provocation, it will be encouraged to continue this tactic. The time has come for the other five finally to begin speaking with one voice to Pyongyang, to hold it accountable for its own words and actions.

If this problem cannot be handled within the six-party context, then the only alternatives are collective action through the United Nations Security Council - the desired alternative but one that Seoul, Beijing and Moscow previously believed to be "premature" - or unilateral actions that will likely only make matters worse.

President Roh has long insisted that Seoul play a lead role in dealing with North Korea; it's time for him to step forward. Will he call North Korea's hand, or demonstrate that it was really Seoul that was bluffing all along?

Ralph A Cossa is president of the Pacific Forum CSIS, a Honolulu-based non-profit research institute affiliated with the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. He can be reached at pacforum@hawaii.rr.com.


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