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    Korea
     Mar 2, 2005
SPEAKING FREELY
Forget Gaddafi, US should talk to North Korea
By Yoshinori Takeda

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

The second North Korean nuclear crisis advanced to a new phrase on February 10 when the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) officially declared itself a de facto nuclear power. According to the statement released by its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the North Korean leadership had manufactured nuclear weapons for self-defense in response to the increasingly hostile policy toward North Korea by the administration of US President George W Bush.

Although it is uncertain whether the DPRK really possesses such weapons or the ability to adapt them as warheads for its missile systems, the official statement by the government drew expressions of great concern from the international community.

The US government perceives the nuclear crisis as a regional one and consistently rejects bilateral negotiations with the DPRK. Consequently, the six-party talks (whose member states are the two Koreas, China, Japan, Russia and the United States) have so far been the only means toward a peaceful solution of the nuclear crisis. Yet Pyongyang's recent suspension of its participation in this multilateral forum has made the prospects for the Korean Peninsula more uncertain. The governments involved in the six-party talks have once again recognized the urgent necessity of restarting the multilateral negotiations with North Korea that have been interrupted since last June.

China, which has played the role of host country for the multilateral meetings, sent a senior official to Pyongyang and has called for the immediate resumption of the six-party talks.

With no progress in negotiations, the United States seems to be placing its hopes on applying the Libya model to North Korea. Libya, which had been labeled a rogue state that supported international terrorism, unexpectedly announced its ongoing plan to get rid of WMD (weapons of mass destruction) materials, equipment and programs, and to become totally free of internationally banned weapons at the end of 2003.

Congressman Tom Lantos, a California Democrat who participated in US policymaking toward Libya after it abandoned WMD, takes the position that North Korea can learn from Libya's experience. He visited Pyongyang this January and told the North Korean leaders that the DPRK could make a bold decision, as Libya has done. The voluntary disclosure of the nuclear program, the congressman argues, would be of enormous benefit not only for the United States but also for North Korea, because such an action would open the way to comprehensive normalization between the US and the DPRK.

According to Lantos, dismantlement of the North's nuclear program should be implemented within the framework of multilateral talks, not through US-DPRK bilateral negotiations, because all the participants in the six-party talks have an immense interest in this issue and in a peaceful Korean Peninsula. Not only the United States but also Japan and South Korea regard the Libya model as a promising vehicle for achieving a breakthrough. In addition, both Tokyo and Seoul anticipate that Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi would act as mediator. Japan's special envoy (in June) and South Korea's foreign minister (in January) were encouraged by Gaddafi's urging North Korea to follow in Libya's footsteps and give up its nuclear ambitions. It is no surprise that Libya's leader has demonstrated a cooperative stance as Libya pursues its integration into the international community. Nevertheless, the recent development of the crisis shows that North Korean leader Kim Jong-il has not listened to Gaddafi's advice so far.

Contrary to the expectation of the United States and its allies, the Libya model is unlikely to work for North Korea. The DPRK will likely be unable to declare a Libya-like abandonment of its nuclear-weapons program. Such a unilateral action would mean that North Korea had bent before the constant pressure from the United States and surrounding countries. Undoubtedly, North Korea aims at an assurance of energy aid and security guarantees first, and then the verification of its nuclear facilities. Unlike Libya, North Korea lacks a commodity in great demand, such as oil. While Gaddafi can barter his cooperation with the international community using oil, Kim Jong-il has much to lose by giving up his nuclear card.

Even though it is predictable that the US and other participants of the six-party talks would give the DPRK "rewards" for nuclear-weapons disclosure, North Koreans will, by any means, try to avoid making a one-sided compromise. Domestically, Kim's regime needs to explain that its nuclear brinkmanship has forced the international community to meet the DPRK's demands. Pyongyang's attitude is reminiscent of the first North Korean nuclear crisis: the DPRK considered the Agreed Framework in 1994 a diplomatic victory against the United States. For Pyongyang, a Libya-like voluntary relinquishing of its nuclear program would represent an unacceptable defeat.

Special notice should be taken that the six-party talks are gradually losing their appeal for the DPRK. The multilateral negotiation table had been in Pyongyang's interests for the following two reasons:
1) If the six-party meetings were held regularly, the United Nations Security Council would not pass a resolution imposing sanctions against North Korea.
2) If North Korea wanted to receive a non-aggression security guarantee from the United States and energy and economic assistance from China, Japan, Russia and South Korea simultaneously, there was no other way to proceed than by using the six-party format. Negotiations have dragged on for more than one and a half years since the first meeting in August 2003, however, and North Korea's demands have not been met in any form.

The United States and Japan stick to CVID (complete, verifiable, irreversible dismantlement) of the North's program. Japan wants to discuss the issue of abducted Japanese citizens at the six-party talks. As the six-party table becomes an unfavorable place of discussion for North Korea, it is hardly plausible that the DPRK delegation would declares its intention to abandon its nuclear weapons program at this multilateral meeting.

North Korea is desperate to normalize its relations with the United States. It is uncertain whether even the demand of a "security guarantee" from the US government is really part of the North's core position. This requirement could fall away should progress be made in other areas of US-DPRK political and diplomatic relations. Kim's regime probably calculates that once its relations with the United States are normalized, relations with the other member states of the six-party talks, especially Japan, will move toward rapprochement.

The North Koreans may well ponder: why, then, do we have to make a compromise in front of five countries, instead of solely the United States? Thus the Libya model cannot be applied to North Korea as long as the US dismisses the idea of direct talks with North Korea. This model requires active negotiations behind the scenes, but at the present time neither Washington nor Pyongyang is ready to conduct such discussions.

There is no doubting the significance of the six-party talks. If this multilateral meeting cannot find a peaceful solution to the North Korean nuclear issue immediately, however, every possible means, including US-DPRK bilateral talks, should be taken under consideration. The current crisis has come to a very serious pass.

Yoshinori Takeda is an associate at the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, Georgetown University. He can be contacted at yt75@georgetown.edu.

(Copyright 2005 Yoshinori Takeda.)

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.


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