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Christian ties may bind US troops
to South Korea By David
Scofield
All that remains of the 50-year
South Korea-US security alliance - a friendship
forged in blood, as the leaders of the United
States forces used to say - is the high fences and
cinder-block buildings that mark America's bases
in South Korea. Speeches and statements
underscoring South Korea's rising prominence and
the extolling benefits of a "balanced" foreign
policy, independent of and not beholden to allies,
rejecting US-dictated policy that may not always
be congruent with the country's best interests,
have been pouring forth from President Roh
Moo-Hyun and his ministers of late. The
implications for the alliance and the "Cold War
camp" - the US-Korea-Japan trilateral arrangement
- is obvious; the spirit of the alliance is dead,
even if the physical trappings remain.
Fundamental changes to the
US-ROK (Republic of Korea) security alliance have
increased since Roh was elected, but things really
got complicated last November when Roh, on a
stopover in Los Angeles, declared that he
understood the logic behind North Korea's quest to
become a nuclear power - its fear of US hostility
and possible attack. At the time the US was trying
to hold five parties together in response to North
Korea's illicit nuclear-weapons projects - the
six-party talks comprise both Koreas, China,
Japan, Russia and the United States. Then in
February, the month in which many believed North
Korea would finally return to the talks, Pyongyang
declared that it would not attend until certain
conditions were met and the US ceased hostile
behavior and recanted hostile language - Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice called North Korea an
"outpost of tyranny". The North said it was no
longer trying to become a nuclear power but had
already attained that goal and was now adding to
its arsenal.
South Korea responded
carefully, with an official statement downplaying
the North's admission, countering that Pyongyang
was just stamping its feet and demanding
attention, a tantrum designed to attract greater
concessions from the US. While North Korea
declared it possessed nuclear arms, South Korea
dropped references to the North as the "main
enemy" in its latest National Defense White Paper,
a move that led US Republican Representative Henry
Hyde of Illinois to suggest "our colleagues,
particularly China and South Korea, may have to
reconsider the degree to which they shower
assistance on a regime that has added nuclear
blackmail to its arsenal of threats".
South Korea's response was furious, with
Unification Minister Chung Dong Young challenging
Hyde: "It is inappropriate and unacceptable for an
ally to be subject to such careless and simplistic
remarks by a senior US legislator ... the South's
humanitarian-aid and reconciliation projects are
judged according to Korean national [independent]
interests." Days earlier at an Air Force Academy
graduation speech, President Roh stated, "Unlike
100 years ago, we have enough power for
self-defense."
Hallelujah, many would
argue. Advisers in the US State Department and
Department of Defense have been questioning the
utility of permanently posting 37,000 troops and
their equipment to the peninsula, at a cost of
about US$3 billion a year, for more than decade.
Longtime observers, such as Doug Bandow of the
Cato Institute, have been calling for a review of
forces in South Korea with a view not only to
rearranging troops and personnel, currently under
way with base consolidations south of Seoul and
the planned withdrawal of 12,500 troops, but also
initiating what many believe should have been
started more than a decade ago - the complete
withdrawal of all US forces on the peninsula.
So with Roh and his senior cabinet members
giving signals that the foreign policies of the US
and South Korea have become irreversibly divergent
(in reality, South Korean foreign policy pretty
well begins and ends with North Korea), why are
the Americans still there? Why isn't there a real
push for complete withdrawal?
Many would
argue that to withdraw any troops while North
Korea's nuclear program remains unresolved would
be tantamount to rewarding Pyongyang for bad
behavior. The North Koreans have after all
demanded US withdrawal since the armistice ending
the Korean War in 1953. But withdrawal may
actually increase the pressure on Pyongyang as it
puts the ball, even for those who believe it their
mission to support the North, squarely back in
Pyongyang leader Kim Jong-il's court. The
purported threat of US invasion from the South is
regularly expressed by the North as justification
for the nuclear-weapons program and the
positioning of more than 70% of its forces near
the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). Removing the US
"threat" would seem to nullify that argument.
Then there's the regional-containment
argument: US bases in South Korea are a necessary
forward deployment designed to counter China's
increased ability to project power, a favorite
argument among many Koreans. But President Roh has
made it clear that he does not want - and will not
allow - the US to launch regional operations from
South Korea. So any action taken against China, in
defense of Taiwan for example, from bases in South
Korea would be met with severe resistance - hardly
ideal. Further, fixed bases in an era of increased
global competence in guiding missiles and other
armaments "over the horizon" makes these bases a
liability.
So why the inertia in moving
troops out when South Korea's leaders seem to
opening the exit door wide? The thickest knot to
cut may be the US-South Korean Christian alliance.
While Korean political leaders are
definitely "Rohing" in a different direction,
there remain enduring ties between the US and
South Korea's ubiquitous Christian groups,
including the 700,000-member Yoido Full Gospel
(YFG) in southern Seoul. In sharp contrast to most
other segments of Korean society, YFG and other
churches have organized "pro-America" rallies,
events that mostly elderly parishioners take to
the heart of downtown, waving US flags in oddly
staged demonstrations of pro-Americanism.
Beyond cars, ships and electronics, South
Korea is a formidable exporter of missionaries.
Twelve thousand go forth into the world every
year, second only to the United States. And it is
Korean Christians who are most active in helping
move North Korean refugees through treacherous
territory in China into third countries and
freedom. Those North Koreans who make it out tell
of seeking shelter in "buildings with a cross" and
asking Koreans they meet "if they know the word of
Jesus". And of course, it was the lobbying of
evangelical Christians such as US Senator Sam
Brownback of Kansas and Democratic Senator Evan
Bayh of Indiana, and the activities of the
National Association of Evangelicals and the
Korean-American Christian Church Coalition (KCC)
in Los Angeles, that helped ensure the passage of
the North Korean Human Rights Act in the United
States. That law helps those who help North Korean
refugees and asylum seekers - and those who help
them flee.
At least 26% (though some
maintain that the percentage is closer to 50) of
South Koreans are Christian - the vast majority of
them Protestant. The freedom of South Korea's
Christians stands in stark contrast to the
regional norm. United Nations and Freedom House
reports regularly document the persecution and
intimidation of the estimated 70 million
Christians in China. Meanwhile North Korea is
reported to have created a special circle of hell
for those anti-state agents found to be in contact
with Christians, or be Christian themselves. In
2000, Korean-American pastor Kim Dong Shik was
abducted near the North Korea border by agents of
Pyongyang for his work helping refugees to safety.
His condition is not known.
With the Cold
War over, South Korea may again be on the front
lines of another war - a new front line in
Christendom's regional struggle - this time on the
Korean Peninsula.
David
Scofield, former lecturer at the Graduate
Institute of Peace Studies,Kyung Hee University,
is currently conducting post-graduate research at
the School of East Asian Studies, University of
Sheffield, United Kingdom.
(Copyright
2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved.
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