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    Korea
     Apr 13, 2005
Ready! Aim! Fire at enemies of the state
By Andrei Lankov

SEOUL - A man is tied to a pole, blindfolded and gagged. A firing squad takes its position. "Aim! Fire!" It's over in a minute, and then officers are struggling to fit the corpse into a sack. Crowds of onlookers stand nearby, and a large shiny loudspeaker van broadcasts martial music followed by commentary about an appropriate punishment that inevitably awaits all enemies of the people. It is captured on video, like more and more North Korean executions, scenes from prison camps and even "courts".

This is video footage smuggled from North Korea. The information blockade is crumbling, and more and more North Koreans are willing to risk their lives by documenting the less savory parts of their daily existence on videotapes and then smuggling the tapes overseas. There are few doubts that clandestine cameramen (or camerawomen) are native North Koreans, otherwise they would attract way too much attention. Some of them might do this out of their political and religious convictions while others are perhaps attracted by money payments, largely coming from Japan these days. In the current political climate of embracing the North, South Korean TV networks are not particularly interested in information that presents the "North Korean brothers" in unfavorable light.

A number of such videos have made their way to Japan in recent months: we have seen the beggar-infested streets of the country outside North Korea cities, scenes in prison camps and footage of a public court where a teenage girl stood trial for prostitution. And finally we have video footage depicting two public executions, which took place in early March. The video was publicized by the Daily North Korean, a South Korean online newspaper specializing in things North Korean, and by a Japanese TV station, Nippon Television Network.

The unknown operator shot not only executions, but also public trials that preceded the death rituals. This is a highly public form of justice, more Maoist than Stalinist. The outcome is clear from the beginning: during the second trial, policemen had begun to fix an execution pole even before the official sentence was read. There were two trials, both taking place in early March near Chinese border, in the most impoverished part of North Korea.

Eleven people stood the first trial, which took place on March 1 in the city of Hoeryong near the border with China. All were accused of people-smuggling or, in other words, of helping North Koreans to defect. The last decade has seen the growth of large clandestine networks whose participants for a hefty fee help the impoverished North Koreans reach China where food and (badly paid) jobs are plentiful. Obviously, authorities decided to teach a lesson to the people involved in such activities. Of 11 accused, two were condemned to death, two others were sent to prison for life, while seven others received prison terms of 10-15 years. The execution was carried out immediately: after all, in a Stalinist culture they know that police are never wrong, so there is not need to waste society's money on appeals.

The next trial took place the next day, in the city of Yuson, which is some 10 kilometers from Hoeryong. This time, there were only two defendants, both accused of the same crime. One of them was shot, with execution carried out immediately, and another went to prison.

According to the sentences, the criminals sent North Korean women to China, where they were forced to engage in prostitution. The remark about prostitution might be true (such things happen), but for propaganda considerations authorities had to say it anyway, even if these women went to China merely in search of jobs or to participate in matchmaking schemes. Such schemes are very common these days. North Korean women are eager to enter an arranged marriage with a Chinese-Korean bachelor who is for some reason discriminated against in the the highly competitive Chinese marriage market. At the same time the Chinese-Korean girls are equally eager to enter a similar marriage with a South Korean (in the past year alone, marriages between South Korean men and Chinese - usually Chinese-Korean - women constituted an astonishing 6% of allmarriages in South Korea). Voluntarily or not, smuggling of women across the border is a part of life in that part of the country, but it seems that authorities decided to put the practice to an end, using the most powerful visual deterrent - public trials and executions.

Public execution is an established tradition in North Korea, and it seems that the technique of this gruesome ritual has not changed much for almost 50 years: a kneeling criminal is tied to a pole and then shot from a short distance. In larger cities, stadiums are used as venues for executions since these can accommodate a large number of spectators. In less prominent places, any large open space will do: the two executions cited took place near the local market and near a railway station respectively. In some cases and for some groups, attendance is obligatory. In prison camps an attempted escape or critical speech about the government is also punished by a public execution, but for inmates death might be by hanging, not necessarily by a firing squad.

It is not known when exactly public executions became a part of the North Korean legal practice, but it seems that in the early years of North Korean history they were not that common. Back in the early 1980s, when I was an undergraduate in Russia, our teachers told us that they saw such executions around 1958, and then it was a novelty, discussed by the expatriates from European communist countries with surprise and some patronizing disgust ("Asians, you know"). Being foreigners, they would not be allowed to witness an execution themselves, but one of them happened to chance on a place where execution was in preparation. It was not a stadium, a choice site of a later era, but simply a large open field on the outskirts of Pyongyang.

The reintroduction of public execution was a major break with Soviet tradition. Even under Josef Stalin the Soviet legal practice always followed and imitated, however superficially, external forms of Western law. Since by the early 1900s Western public opinion had come to see public executions as barbaric, there should be no public execution in the enlightened country of triumphant socialism. Stalin's secret police killed people in droves, but there was usually a trial, however farcical or biased, by officially appointed judges, and the execution could be held in public only under the most exceptional circumstances. In the Stalin-era Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) public execution took place in the battlefield or, sometimes, in a prison camp (war criminals were also sometimes dealt with in public). This probably reflected the residual respect that Soviet Stalinism had for Enlightenment traditions and legal formalities. The national Stalinism of Kim Il-sung's North Korea was both more populist and less rooted in European traditions, so it had few qualms about discarding those vestiges of early revolutionary Marxism.

Obviously, public executions have remained a part of the North Korean legal enforcement culture for nearly 50 years, even if in recent decades such visual lessons in terror and retribution are seldom if ever staged in Pyongyang. Contrary to what is often assumed, only a fraction of executions in North Korea are public: such spectacles are staged either when the government wants to teach a lesson to all the politically unreliable, or wants to show the population how most notorious criminals meet their fate. Political criminals form a minority among public-execution victims, at least outside camps. This correspondent can think of only a handful of relatively well-proven cases when "unmasked counter-revolutionaries" were executed. Executions in prison camps are an obvious exception, but in such cases the entire audience consists of the inmates and prison guards. Outside the camps, a majority of the victims are what we would call "common criminals" who are accused of some grave crimes of a non-political nature, such as murder, rape or large-scale embezzlement of state funds.

There were some reports that in recent years public executions have become less frequent, so two executions carried out in two subsequent days in one area seem to indicate that authorities have begun a major crackdown on cross-border movement. It is possible that nowadays, when North Koreans are malnourished rather than starving, the authorities believe that it will be practical to close the border with China, which functioned as a safety valve in the worst days of famine in the late 1990s. Will his work? Well, the rulers should know their history: even breaking on the wheel and burning alive did not always help to stop people from doing what they wanted.

Dr Andrei Lankov is a lecturer in the faculty of Asian Studies, China and Korea Center, Australian National University. He graduated from Leningrad State University with a PhD in Far Eastern history and China, with emphasis on Korea, and his thesis focused on factionalism in the Yi Dynasty. He has published books and articles on Korea and North Asia. He is currently on leave, teaching at Kookmin University, Seoul.

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