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    Korea
     Jan 5, 2007
Page 1 of 3
CHINA AND THE US
PART 8: Bush's bellicose policy on N Korea
By Henry C K Liu

(To see the previous installments in this series, please use the links at the bottom of this article.)

A few days before US President George W Bush took office on January 20, 2001, Samuel R "Sandy" Berger, the Bill Clinton administration's outgoing national security adviser, and his team crossed the Potomac River to the northern Virginia home of retired four-star general and former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff



Colin Powell, the popular military leader who framed the Powell Doctrine of going to war only with overwhelming force in the successful 1990-91 war against Iraq. Ten years after that first Iraq war, Bush named Powell secretary of state in his incoming administration, a choice widely viewed and praised as a signal that the new president would follow a moderate, multilateralist foreign policy backed by a prudent military strategy.

The Clinton team briefed Powell for two hours on the status of the North Korea talks in the midst of which Condoleezza Rice, the new national security adviser, arrived from meetings with the president-elect in Texas. Several participants later reported that Powell at first listened to the Clinton approach of rapprochement with North Korea with open enthusiasm and thought it a good bipartisan basis for further progress, an attitude firmly disabused by Rice as soon as she joined the briefing, on the authority of the president-elect.

On March 7, 2001, barely a month into Bush's new term, South Korean president Kim Dae-jung made a working visit to Washington in hope of keeping the Clinton policy on North Korea on track under the new US administration. On the eve of the Kim visit, Powell told reporters that the Bush administration would build on the Clinton momentum on North Korea. The White House instantly rebuked Powell, with Bush making it clear that his administration would do no such thing. Powell had to retreat and publicly admit that he had leaned "too forward in my skis". This would be the first of many instances when Powell would find himself out of step with the rest of the Bush team as the lone multilateral moderate in a solid neo-conservative gang of unilateral hardliners.

The nuclear crisis in North Korea
The new crisis over the October 9, 2006, North Korean nuclear test began unfolding six years back, as soon as Bush entered the White House, and flared into public view a year later right after Bush's first State of the Union speech on January 29, 2002, four months after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and three months after the commencement of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan to oust the Taliban as the opening salvo of the expectedly long "war on terrorism" through selective regime changes around the world.

In his speech, Bush labeled North Korea, Iran and Iraq an "axis of evil" and declared that "by seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger". It was an unmistakable invocation of the image of a righteous struggle against the evil Axis Powers of World War II, with an implication that the "war on terrorism" would involve moves to change these evil regimes by force and to punish all those who support them. By declaring the doctrine of "those who are not with us and against us", Bush served notice that the "war on terrorism" could well evolve into World War III.

A US State Department Annual Report on Terrorism released on May 21, 2002, again listed North Korea along with six others as "terrorism-sponsoring nations", claiming that "North Korea did not take substantial steps to cooperate in efforts to combat terrorism". Three days later, on May 24, a North Korean Foreign Ministry spokesman denounced the State Department report: "It is a trite method employed by the US for the pursuance of its 'big-stick policy' to label those countries disobedient to it as 'terrorists' ... The report is deliberately choreographed by the US [itself] censured and ridiculed by the public for being a kingpin of international terrorism."

Again on May 27 the official Korean Central News Agency dismissed the US charge as "a foolish ruse to tarnish the international prestige of the DPRK [Democratic People's Republic of Korea], isolate and stifle it at any cost".

Pointing to the efforts Pyongyang had made to combat terrorism, the KCNA said:
Proceeding from the principled stand on combating terrorism after the September 11, 2001, incident alone, the DPRK signed and acceded to the "International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism" and the "International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages" and it is taking active part in the efforts of the international community to eradicate international terrorism as evidenced by its close cooperation with the United Nations Security Council regarding legal and administrative steps it deemed necessary for combating terrorism ...

Lurking behind the US fallacy is a foolish attempt to justify Bush's remarks about the "axis of evil" censured worldwide ... [Donald] Rumsfeld, US defense secretary, recently told [a] sheer lie that "North Korea is offering weapons of mass destruction to terrorists" ...

It is nonsensical that the US is imprudently talking about "cooperation with the DPRK in anti-terrorism" after ditching the DPRK-US Joint Statement (released on October 6, 2000 [jointly with the Clinton administration], in New York) that clarifies the political willingness to remove the DPRK from a US list of "sponsors of terrorism".
On October 4, 2002, US State Department officials flew to Pyongyang, and confronted Foreign Ministry officials with 

Continued 1 2


Kim Jong-il's policy a silver bullet (Jan 4, '07)

The great dictator, alive and well (Jan 3, '07)

 
 



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