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    Korea
     Jan 20, 2007
Korea: The fog of war - and talks 
By Donald Kirk

SEOUL - Imagine a second Korean War in which the presidents of the United States and South Korea had an equal voice in deciding how to fight it, and the top commander, an American, more or less took orders from both of them.

The current US commander in South Korea, General B B Bell, is offering that unlikely scenario as he and his colleagues wade through a miasma of anti-American sentiment, nationalist sensitivities and often-conflicting views among Koreans about the future of the US-South Korea alliance.

Amid calls for the dissolution of the historic United Nations



Command, the fig leaf under which the US prosecuted the Korean War, Bell has come up with what appears as a formula for salvaging the alliance and saving face for the Koreans.

"There will be no change in the alliance," he proclaimed to foreign and Korean reporters. "The two nations have a 50-50 say in operations. If there were to be a crisis in war in the Republic of Korea, those processes would be working as they have been working."

This pronouncement, however, evades the uncomfortable reality that South Korea wants to remove the US commander from command of all troops in the event of war, giving that role to a Korean. The only question is when and how to do it.

Bell falls back on a cover called the Combined Forces Command as he claims the Americans are no longer calling the shots, even though the American commander remains in command of the CFC.

"Today, the US is not the supreme commander in the Republic of Korea" (ROK), he said. "We have the Combined Forces Command." In that capacity, he professed to "work" for President Roh Moo-hyun as well as President George W Bush.

"I have to listen to President Roh as I listen to President Bush," he said. US troops would play a supporting role, providing, for instance, artillery for South Korean infantry units, while the South Koreans "will be in the lead".

Those diplomatic remarks mask a much deeper concern - that Roh and his advisers would just as soon jettison the whole antiquated structure of a UN Command and a CFC. US forces would then in essence be out of the loop.

"The inability of UN commanders to gain access to ROK forces, particularly ground forces," Bell warned, "raises a question: Is there a future for US forces on the Korean Peninsula?"

The UN Command, he insisted, "must maintain the capability to support ROK forces" while rear bases on Japan remain "vital to UN Command operations", as they were during the Korean War.

Bell is battling for the future of the UN Command and the CFC in the face of ambushes by some of Roh's closest advisers. Their view is that these commands, "mechanisms" that Bell views as "extremely important", are in essence mechanisms for US domination - and possibly obstructions to rapprochement with North Korea.

Meanwhile, what about Pyongyang?
Bell's carefully crafted defense of these mechanisms coincides with a critical phase of efforts to get North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons. Bell spoke in Seoul as the US chief envoy, Christopher Hill, was wrapping up three days of talks in Berlin with his North Korean counterpart, Kim Gye-gwan.

The talks, incredibly, ended on an upbeat note. North Korea's Foreign Ministry said they had been conducted "in a sincere atmosphere" and had even produced "a certain agreement".

Agreement on what, though, remains far from clear. Hill, arriving in Seoul to talk to South Korean Foreign Minister Song Min-soon, said he didn't know what the North Korean statement referred to but hoped the talks in Berlin would lead to renewed six-party talks in Beijing.

North Korean optimism may well have reflected an impression that the United States is willing to back off from the ban placed on US firms dealing with Macau's Banco Delta Asia and other institutions through which North Korea may have funneled counterfeit money. It was disagreement on that issue that doomed the most recent attempt at six-party talks, just before Christmas, to failure.

An agreement on North Korea's nukes, though, is viewed in South Korea as highly unlikely - and no guarantee against the outbreak of hostilities. In that context, Bell's diplomatic plea for the survival of the system that has endured on the peninsula from the Korean War adopts a tone of urgency, even as he praises South Korean forces as "world class".

The debate, though, gets complicated as the Americans and South Koreans quarrel over the timing of separation of Korean troops from the Americans in the event of war.

Bell believes the two forces can work their way through all the details by 2009, while the South Koreans want to go longer, at least until 2012. The suspicion remains that South Korean commanders want the old system to endure much longer, in opposition to the views of civilian advisers.

Differences between the US and South Korea, however, emerge in discussions about almost all aspects of the relationship.

The Americans, for instance, are miffed by suggestions that they may not be able to move their military headquarters, and most of their forces, into a huge new base at Pyongtaek, about 65 kilometers south of Seoul, by the end of 2008. South Koreans have said the move may take several years longer, while farmers, egged on by activists, continue to resist takeover of their remaining land, from which most have been forced to move.

Bell ignores the leftist assault, preferring to paint a picture of a clean-living family lifestyle for the remaining US troops, if only the Americans and South Koreans could get over a few issues on the way to suburban happiness.

Bell conjures a future of genteel living that contrasts with the almost slum-like conditions to which soldiers and their families are subjected while awaiting construction of the controversial new base. "It's time we make a change," he said, decrying the need to consign many of the 29,500 US troops still in Korea to "below-standard quarters".

The new base ideally provides the best chance - "possibly in a century" - to reverse the pattern, he argued. Rather than consigning soldiers to "short, unaccompanied tours" of one year, "for this alliance to grow and prosper" military people with families should be able to spend two or three years in South Korea savoring the delights of life in the country.

Bell's image of the good life for US soldiers in Korea runs into yet another obstacle, resistance to US demands for South Korea to pick up as much as half the cost of construction and upkeep of the bases. The US this year wants South Korea to ante up nearly US$900 million, while South Korea is sticking to an offer of upwards of $700 million.

"Over the next few months we will make cuts," Bell said. "That will be very regrettable. I'm saddened by the fact that we have to do this. I have to pay the bills." No matter what, he added, "I'm going to defend the quality of life of the Americans serving over here in terms of the alliance."

After all the talking, though, the impression is that the alliance may be about as frayed as the UN Command and the CFC that the Americans see as pillars of the whole relationship.

Journalist Donald Kirk has been covering Korea - and the confrontation of forces in Northeast Asia - for more than 30 years.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


Six parties, sixfold problems (Jan 19, '07)

North Korea's golden path to security (Jan 18, '07)

 
 



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