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    Korea
     Mar 11, 2011


Why the Kim regime will never die
By Kim Myong Chol

The political unrest sweeping the Arab world is spawning all-too-familiar wishful thinking in Western capitals about North Korea. The more widespread this thinking is, the more grudging respect the world will need to show for Kim Jong-il's statesmanship when it is proved false.

No sign of instability
The BBC, reporting on February 24 from Seoul, notes no sign of instability in North Korea:
Since the end of the Korean War in 1953, various experts on the North have been predicting it would collapse. It has not. At present there are no signs that what is happening across North

 
Africa and the Middle East makes that any more likely.
The following day the New York Times echoed a similar view:
But has it been a winter of discontent? Not so much. Officials in Seoul said they have seen no signs of unrest in North Korea, and certainly nothing that suggests a Middle East-style revolt might be taking shape there.

Recent refugees, scholars of North Korea and South Korean government officials see no signs that the economic hardships are pointing toward political instability. They see no existential threat to Kim Jong-il and his regime, whether through civil unrest, political factionalism or a military revolt.

Regime change, as tantalizing as it might be to Seoul and Washington, seems remote. Mr Kim looks to be in passably good health. And the apprenticeship of his youngest son, Kim Jong-un, appears to be under way, albeit slowly and quietly.
The New York Times of November 30, 2010, dismissed the talk of the North Korean collapse as "rooted more in hope than in any real strategy":
They [State Department cables] also show that talk of the North's collapse may be rooted more in hope than in any real strategy: similar predictions were made in 1994 when the country's founder, Kim Il-sung, suddenly died, leaving his son to run the most isolated country in Asia.
The West's two leading media outlets failed to come up with any convincing reason for the absence of political unrest.

What the West has yet to appreciate is that North Korea under Kim Jong-il is so resilient that it will last hundreds of years and enjoy a millennium prosperity, as indisputably shown in his first-class statesmanlike stewardship of North Korea's emergence into two elite clubs - that of space and nuclear powers - nullifying the United States-initiated sanctions.

The Telegraph of London on September 22, 2010, called the resilience of Kim Jong-il's administration "a puzzle to many Western observers":
The fact that the Kim Family Regime has lasted this long is a puzzle to many Western observers ... North Koreans remain politically loyal to the Kims, with almost half the people who leave the bankrupt state returning voluntarily, according to Korea specialist Brian Reynolds Myers, the author of The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans see Themselves and Why It Matters. "Even today, with a rival state thriving next door, the regime is able to maintain public security without a ubiquitous police presence or a fortified northern border," he remarks.
The 5,000-year history of one of the oldest nations in the world shows that a millennium kingdom is a Korean tradition.

Ancient Korea, founded by Dankun 5,000 years ago, lasted 2,000 years, Koguryo lasted not less than 700 years, Silla about 1,000 years, PaeKche nearly 700 years, Koryo more than 500 years, and Li Korea more than 500 years.

Korean history knows very few rebellions or coups, unlike China or Japan whose dynasties lasted up to about 200 years.

South Korea is an exception. Its first president was dethroned in a student rebellion. Two military coup d'etats enabled General Park Chung-hee and General Chon Du-hwan to seize power. Nationwide protests against US beef imports nearly toppled the regime of President Lee Myung-bak.

In an op-ed in The Age of Australia on January 8, 2003, Dr Gavan McCormack, professor of Pacific and Asian History at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, wrote:
North Korea's real uniqueness in the nuclear age is its having lived under the shadow of nuclear threat for longer than any other nation, from the Korean War, when General Douglas MacArthur had to be restrained from his plan to drop "between 30 and 50 atomic bombs", through the long Cold War, when the US introduced nuclear artillery, mines and missiles into Korea, and after it, when rehearsals continued for a nuclear bombing strike.

After facing for half a century the threat of extermination, it would be surprising if North Korea did not now show signs of neurosis and instability.
A long-time Korea watcher and former CNN reporter Eason Jordan declared at a Harvard University lecture on March 10, 1999:
North Korea is the most bizarre country on the planet. And some people would say it doesn't qualify as a country on the planet; it should be planet into itself. But North Korea is unique in many ways, including having the first hereditary passing of the torch in a communist country.

So I would say the outlook is bleak, but I can guarantee you this: When you hear about starvation in North Korea, you hear about famine in North Korea, you hear about the backwardness of the country, a lot of very level-headed, logical thinking people think "Well that country cannot survive. There is no way a country like that can survive." And I'm here to tell you with absolute certainty those guys will tough it out for centuries just the way they are.
The New York Times on June 3, 2009, reported that senior Defense Department officials routinely describe this enigmatically tough North Korea as "not of this planet".

The most striking thing about North Korea is that its whole population of 24 million people make up an awesome corps of highly motivated and well-disciplined candidate suicide bombers, dedicated to their supreme leader-cum father figure Kim Jong-il in a highly nationalistic society with traditional values.

More often than not, Western media mistakenly compare North Korea to "a state of 24 million cult members".

In a nationalistic North Korean society, a national leader is a benevolent father and mother figure who takes good care of his people, who are his children.

The North Korean people take this for granted and are willing to lay down their lives to protect the fatherly leader and the nation as the source of infinite pride and joy.

An individual's life, youth, and happiness are precious but each citizen is aware that Korean sovereignty, dignity and national security are much more valuable, since the loss of the country would mean their automatic disappearance.

This traditional code of conduct governs North Korea and the Korean diaspora abroad, where little violence is seen in schools or homes as parents, teachers and elders wield absolute authority.

It is beneath Korean dignity and ethics even to feel aided and abetted to the slightest degree by domestic violence next door or far away. Korea's traditional values are such that fratricide or matricide or domestic disobedience is unknown.

Like the founding father Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il distinguishes himself from previous national heroes and leaders, Korean and foreign, by his close ties with his people and his status as a paragon of direct democracy, transparency and accountability: carrying out more than 200 on-the-spot guidance tours a year, a total of not less than an estimated 3,000 local visits since 1994.

The Christian Science Monitor wrote January 4, 2007:
One side of Kim only now emerging is how closely he stays in touch with the people. The Dear Leader is on the road, working the crowds, a great deal. Studies of Korean media show Kim averages about 150 local visits a year. He may not make live televised speeches, but he's at a school, a factory, a farm, a military base - every three days. (He shows up at a military unit once a week.) This suggests a populist streak.

"When someone you worship comes to your factory, it's a personal connection. We tend to overlook this simple fact," says [Alexander Mansourov of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu], who has tracked Kim's appearances. "Kim knows the local leaders, the opinion makers, the local cadres. He's not in a fishbowl. He may be a dictator, but he's also a populist."
The North Koreans see a heaven-sent peerless national hero and great patriot in the father image Kim Jong-il and identify him with the proud Korean nation, its future and destiny.

Kim Jong-il has established his nationalist credentials as the greatest peerless nation hero by miraculously saving the country from the greatest threats to the Korean nationhood:
  • The 1991 collapse of the socialist camp
  • The repeated nuclear showdown with the US
  • The 1994 passing away of the founding father Kim Il-sung
  • The 1995-97 arduous march in the wake of severe natural disasters
  • The harsh criminalizing sanctions and regime-change attempts by the Americans and their followers.

    This long list of shining achievements whose credit goes to Kim Jong-il is topped by two feats: One is his successful efforts to keep the trigger-happy Americans at bay and prevent the Korean Peninsula and the rest of East Asia from being reduced to another Iraq and Afghanistan. The other is his first-class statesmanship that catapulted a tiny Far Eastern country sandwiched by big powers to the regular membership of the three elite clubs of space powers, nuclear powers and prosperous nations.

    Kim Jong-il stands out as the first national hero who will not leave the ancestral land of Korea in war and ruin, in other words, has won successive bloodless victories over the world's sole surviving superpower.

    There is little doubt in the eyes of the Korean people that their father figure is an ever-victorious, iron-willed and brilliant commander. He has transformed North Korea into an impregnable fortress equipped with the nuclear second-strike capability to the point where the main theater of a new war will be the metropolitan USA.

    Former US ambassador to China, Winston Lord and Leslie H Gelb, president emeritus and board senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, discussed America's repeated cave-ins to Kim Jong-il's North Korea in their joint op-ed in the April 26, 2008 edition of the Washington Post, "Yielding to North Korea Too Often".

    United States Defense Secretary Robert Gates cited on January 11 Pyongyang's development of intercontinental ballistic missiles as a direct threat to the US.

    Kim Jong-il's North Korea has had six standoffs with successive US administrations from Lyndon B Johnson to the present President Barack Obama, each of which has ended with the US backing down.

    What figures most prominently in the defense of peace and security of the Korean Peninsula is the signature military-first policy of Kim Jong-il and the resulting austere life the Korean people accepted in upholding that policy.

    Otherwise, the booming economies of South Korea, Japan and China may have evaporated in a consuming thermonuclear conflagration. The skyscrapers of the metropolitan US would have been bombed back to the Stone Age in a nuclear exchange between nuclear-armed North Korea and the declining superpower.

    Next year when he will turn 70, Kim Jong-il will certainly wear a new cap: architect of prosperity, heralding a golden age of a Koguryo-like millennium state in Korea's history of 5,000 years.

    The year 2012 will most likely witness North Korea - already a regular member of the two elite clubs of space and nuclear power - garner a third title, a member of the club of prosperous nations at long last.

    Next year, no less than one in 10 North Koreans, or more than two million will own cell phones, with the entire population of more than 20 million North Koreans to own their own cell phones well before 2020. It is by this year that North Korea plans to catch up with France, Germany and Japan, finding itself among the most advanced countries.

    North Korea's scientists, engineers and workers have built many ultra-modern clean computer-operated plants across the country which produce a wide range of products, from machine tools, heavy equipment for construction, power generators, iron-making equipment, automatic looms, socks-making machines, glass bottle-making machines.

    North Korea will be exporting low-cost high-tech products such as off-grid small mobile lightwater reactor power plants, low-enriched uranium fuel, satellite-launch vehicle (SLV) services, machine tools, and heavy construction equipment and steel alloys, and rare metals.

    The Washington Post reported on February 26 on the completion of an ultra-modern SLV center in North Korea, complete with a rocket engine test stand, missile assembly and test buildings, as well as a launch bunker and an observation tower.

    Britain's Sky News reported on November 21, 2010:
    An American nuclear scientist has said he was "stunned" at the advanced stage of a new uranium enrichment facility he visited recently in North Korea. Stanford University professor Dr Siegfried Hecker said the plant was "astonishingly modern" and "would fit into any American processing facility".
    In September 2006, an American Citybank presented an amazing economic report to the then-secretary of Treasury Henry Paulson, portraying North Korea as Asia's next tiger:
    North Korea's economic reforms are probably broadly comparable to those in China in the mid- to late-1980s. In some areas, such as foreign exchange rate policy, North Korea is probably already beyond the China of the early 1990s. Actual progress in economic reforms has been way beyond our expectations.
    Four years later, on September 11, 2010, the Chinese news service Xinhua reported from Pyongyang on its fantastic nightlife, a clear sign of North Korea about to join the club of thriving nations:
    Roller coaster screams, karaoke happy hours, and beer glass clinks at night, quite a deja vu of metropolitan areas like New York, Tokyo or Beijing. Well, make no mistake. That's just a snapshot of what night life in Pyongyang, capital of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) can provide.
    Kim Myong Chol is author of a number of books and papers in Korean, Japanese and English on North Korea, including Kim Jong-il's Strategy for Reunification. He has a PhD from the Democratic People's Republic of Korea's Academy of Social Sciences and is often called an "unofficial" spokesman of Kim Jong-il and North Korea.

    (Copyright 2011 Kim Myong Chol.)

  • North Koreans: Still hungry. Who cares? (Mar 3, '11)

    Korean tensions reach new heights
    (Mar 2, '11)


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