Middle East

A fig leaf short of a war?
By Thalif Deen

NEW YORK - After nearly seven weeks of closed-door negotiations, the 15-member UN Security Council is heading for a final decision this week on a resolution that could trigger a US military attack on Iraq.

The United States, which has toned down its belligerent war rhetoric, is expected to agree to one of the key demands made by Russia, China and France, which would force Washington to return to the Security Council before it could launch an attack on Baghdad. But the resolution is also expected to vaguely warn Iraq that any "material breach" of its obligations could result in military action.

The resolution could be adopted only with at least nine affirmative votes and no vetoes. The United States, Britain, Russia, China and France have veto power. The 10 non-permanent members - Ireland, Mexico, Colombia, Mauritius, Syria, Singapore, Bulgaria, Guinea, Cameroon and Norway - have voting powers but no vetoes.

There is widespread speculation in UN corridors that the resolution, which is co-sponsored by the United States and Britain, could garner eight votes from non-permanent members, with the co-sponsors providing an additional two. If, as expected, Russia, China and France reach a compromise and abstain from voting, the resolution will be interpreted as being politically weak because it will not have the backing of three of the big powers in the Security Council.

Chris Toensing, editor of the Washington-based Middle East Report, told IPS that "the likely 'compromise' will leave room for dispute - the United States will claim that the resolution authorizes force, while France may claim that it does not".

Toensing also said that one of the deepest factors pushing the Security Council to "compromise" is the fear that the United States will act alone in the absence of a resolution - the other member states would rather be on the inside looking out. "But at least the short-term effect of the Iraq crisis may be to strengthen views of the United Nations as a tool for great power designs - hurting the institution's credibility, if not its relevancy," he said.

According to diplomats, the most ambiguous phrase in the resolution is the one that implicitly warns Iraq that any "material breach" of its past obligations could justify military action by the United States. US Secretary of State Colin Powell said last week that the United States would continue to keep its military options open because Washington did not want a resolution that would virtually "handcuff" President George W Bush from doing what he felt was necessary to defend the United States and its interests in the world.

Jason Mark of the San Francisco-based international human rights group Global Exchange argues that a US invasion of Iraq without a clear mandate from the Security Council would represent a major assault on the rule of law. "The United Nations should have the final say, not the White House," Mark told IPS. "Does this 'handcuff' the United States? Yes. That is precisely the point of the UN and the Security Council veto system: to restrain unilateral actions and preserve international stability."

Mark points out that the White House's bellicosity presents a greater threat to the UN's relevancy than does Iraq's weapons program. "We fear that if the United States goes ahead and attacks Iraq anyway, without UN approval, it will cripple the institution. If the United States uses force in clear disregard to the United Nations, the UN's credibility and its relevancy will be destroyed," he added.

Francis Boyle, professor of international law at the University of Illinois College of Law, said that the Bush administration was working very hard to get any type of "legal fig leaf" from the Security Council that it could use in the United States and around the world to justify its pre-planned aggression against Iraq. "Without such a Security Council fig leaf, it will be obvious to the entire world and even to the American people that this attack is raw, naked, brutal aggression - just like what Hitler did to Poland in 1939, starting World War II. And could this be the start of World War III?" he asked.

If the Security Council gives the Bush administration this legal fig leaf for its pre-planned aggression, it will prove its own legal and moral bankruptcy - "just like what happened to the League of Nations when it refused to confront aggression by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy", Boyle added.

Mark Lance, associate professor of justice and peace at Georgetown University, said that "many powerful forces in the United States, including many in the military and many major capitalists, seem to oppose a war. And of course large sectors of the public do," he added. "The administration obviously thinks that a belligerent tone is the best way to go no matter what happens."

Although the resolution implicitly threatens military action against Iraq if it refuses to cooperate with UN arms inspectors searching for weapons of mass destruction, the US has also hinted that the adoption of the resolution would not necessarily lead to war. "This resolution is not an attempt by the United States to seek an excuse for going to war," Ambassador James Cunningham, the US deputy permanent representative to the United Nations, said. "It is an attempt to send a clear message to Iraq and to get a good inspection regime under way."

(Inter Press Service)
 
Nov 5, 2002



Why Jacques Chirac begs to differ (Nov 2, '02)

How to beat Iraq without a fight (Oct 31, '02)

Iraq under US military rule? (Oct 17, '02)


 

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