Middle East

Iran slams door on Ansar al-Islam
By Hooman Peimani

As the leader of the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party, Muhammad Hagi Mahmud, whose party controls Iraqi territory near Iran's border, revealed on Monday, Iran refused to let wounded members of the Ansar al-Islam enter its territory to receive medical services last Saturday.

They were wounded after US forces reportedly launched 100 Tomahawk missiles on their base. Iran's denial to an Iraqi Kurdish group with a Taliban-style extremist Islam ideology indicated its efforts to prevent the expansion to Iran of the American war on Iraq by denying the Americans a possible excuse to attack Iran for helping a "terrorist" group.

Iran denied medical care to the wounded Ansar fighters despite its setting up two field hospitals close to the Iranian city of Marivan neighboring Iraqi Kurdistan. The Bashmaq and Molakhor hospitals are equipped to treat Iraqi Kurds injured in the ongoing war. Reportedly, the Iranian authorities excluded the Ansar members from the Kurds eligible to receive treatment even prior to the mentioned episode. To help the Iraqi Kurds access to the two hospitals, the Iranian government has made arrangements with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of the two major armed Kurdish groups in control of Iraqi Kurdistan. Those hospitals have reportedly provided medical services to about 100 Kurdish civilians wounded during American air strikes over the past few days.

The Iranian government has repeatedly denied any link with the Ansar al-Islam over the past few months, during which time the American government has accused the group of cooperating with al-Qaeda in its attempts to link Iraq to terrorist activities. As a recent example, on Monday, Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hamid Reza Asefi dismissed any connection between Tehran and the Ansar and denied assisting it, as claimed in an unspecified TV report. He evaluated the allegation as "baseless and a sheer lie" and part of a "psychological war" against Iran. Drawing on his government's view on the group, he described it as "an extremist group with [a] suspicious platform".

Prior to Asefi's statements, the authorities of Iranian Kurdistan Province had rejected allegations regarding the transfer to Iran for treatment of wounded Ansar members following an American missile attack on Saturday. On the same day, the deputy head of the Iraq crisis task force in that province, Bahram Nasrollahizadeh, also rejected the allegations stating: "This is a baseless rumor and no Iraqi national has been allowed to enter Iranian territory." According to him, "Rumors of this kind are aimed at dragging the Islamic Republic into the Iraq[i] crisis and undermin[ing] Iran's neutral stance" towards the American war against Iraq.

Ansar al-Islam is a small isolated group with a few hundred fighters based in a number of villages in northern Iraq in an area close to PUK territory. The American government's accusations regarding the group's ties to al-Qaeda have qualified it as a target in the American "war on terrorism". As is evident in the American missile attack, the destruction of the group is one of the objectives of the American war plan in Iraq. The attack is a prelude to a future joint PUK-American ground assault on the Ansar stronghold. On Sunday, the deployment of American helicopter gunships at an airstrip in Bakrajo near Sulaymaniyah suggested that the assault would likely happen in the near future.

As stated, the Iranian government's move against Ansar was meant to secure Tehran's neutrality in the ongoing war in neighboring Iraq. Since its outbreak, Iran has demanded the belligerents to respect its neutrality. Towards that end, it has rejected Iraq's appeal for help, while refusing to provide assistance to the American-British forces. However, both Iraq and its self-proclaimed "liberators" have interests in pulling Iran into the conflict, for very different reasons. Any Iranian involvement in the war with a weakening effect on the invading forces would disrupt their war plans, with the main beneficiary being the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein. On the other hand, Iran's offering any type of assistance to the American-British forces, including opening its airspace to their aircraft and missiles en route to Iraq, would definitely facilitate and speed up their operation. Despite its efforts, it is not clear how successful Iran will be in keeping itself out of the war, especially as it drags on longer than expected. Apart from any well-orchestrated Iraqi or American-British plan to drag Iran into the war as an ally, certain scenarios could potentially leave that country with no choice but to intervene in one form or another to defend its territory, people and interests or those of its friends and proteges.

Repeated violation of Iranian airspace by American and British aircraft and/or missiles in their bid to bypass certain Iraqi areas or to catch the Iraqis off guard could be one scenario. Iran has so far protested over at least four such violations.

Turkey's deployment of a large military force in Iraqi Kurdistan to achieve certain objectives endangering Iran's interests and security, including domination over oil-rich Mosual and Kirkuk, could be another scenario in which Tehran would be tempted to shed its neutrality.

Attempts by the British-American forces and/or the Turkish troops to suppress the Iraqi Shi'ites, to deny them a fair share in a post-war Iraqi regime or to marginalize and disarm their pro-Iranian political parties could be yet another scenario. Similarly, joint or separate efforts on their part to dominate Iraqi Kurdistan and to turn it into an anti-Iranian territory or to disband and disarm its two main groups with friendly ties with Iran, the PUK and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan (DPK), would be another feasible scenario.

Finally, given the hostile American-Iranian relations, Iran could be dragged into the war, nilly willy, if American-British forces attack Iran in their pursuit of fleeing Iraqi military or Ansar fighters. An American attack on that country to settle old problems under the pretext of punishing it for its alleged assistance of Ansar fighters would likely have the same effect.

Tehran's declared neutrality and certain measures it has taken, including the sealing its borders with Iraq, its refusal to shelter the Ansar al-Islam in its territory and its showing restraint in reaction to repeated violations of its airspace, have so far helped Iran stay out of the war. However, as the war unravels, the rapidly changing environment may cause any one of the aforementioned scenarios to emerge. At that time, Iran may find it very difficult to maneuver itself out of a dangerous situation without becoming involved in an unwanted military confrontation of an unpredictable scale and scope.

Dr Hooman Peimani works as an independent consultant with international organizations in Geneva and does research in international relations.

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Mar 28, 2003




Iran's neutrality on the line (Mar 25, '03)

The Taliban of northern Iraq (Feb 15, '03)

 

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