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Why Moscow won't back down
By Hooman Peimani

Unlike what many American reports based on unidentified sources suggest, Russia does not seem to be bowing to American pressure to stop its non-military nuclear cooperation with Iran. On the contrary, Russian authorities have repeatedly stated their intention to continue such peaceful cooperation, as they did on May 27 when an Iranian Nuclear Energy Ministry delegation visited Moscow. Although Moscow's firm stance on this issue is not new, the timing of the recent Russian statements made them distinct from all previous ones as the American government has heated up its campaign against Iran's nuclear program.

Hence, Alexander Rumyantsev, Russian Atomic Energy Minister, commented on his country's construction of Iran's Bushehr nuclear power reactor during his talks with the Iranian delegation. In a clear show of "defiance" to the United States, he stated: "We will continue to fulfill our obligations despite the fact that our positions on this issue differ from those of [the] officials in Washington." Disregarding repeated American requests, including one made in May, to stop the Bushehr project, he stressed his ministry's determination to complete the reactor project. "The Russian side does not see grounds to revise its obligations with regard to the construction of the first power unit at the nuclear power plant in Bushehr."

During their talks with the Iranian delegation, Rumyantsev and his ministry made it clear that worsening American-Iranian relations would not affect "Russia's cooperation with Iran with respect to the completion of the nuclear power plant in Bushehr", as Itar-Tass reported. For example, an unspecified ministry spokesperson stated: "There are no reasons [for Russia] to halt [the] construction of the first phase of the Bushehr Nuclear plant or cease future cooperation between Iran and Russia in nuclear energy." Not only that, but, according to IRNA, the Russian Atomic Energy Ministry repeated its readiness to cooperate with Iran on building five more nuclear power plants, an offer made initially in 2002 when the Russian government released its plans for future economic relations with Iran.

Russian-Iranian nuclear ties have received the approval of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), a Vienna-based agency in charge of the verification of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1968. Consequently, Russia's commitment to continue and to expand its ties should not be controversial under normal circumstances. However, the international environment since last year has been anything but normal. The American and British governments justified their war against Iraq and its subsequent occupation under the pretext of preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). They justified their actions, although they had no proof to substantiate their claim of Iraq being in material breach of its obligation under the United Nations resolution on its WMD.

Having Iraq under occupation, the American government is shifting its attention to Iran with the same objective in mind, ie, bringing the country into its sphere of influence through a regime change. Of course, there are fundamental differences between Iran and Iraq with regard to their internal situation and external ties and significance, which raise great doubts about the feasibility of such plan. Nonetheless, Washington seems to be preparing grounds to achieve the mentioned objective, probably through different means, but with resorting to the same type of allegations as it did prior to its war with Iraq. Such allegations are mainly the country's ties with al-Qaeda and its pursuit of WMD.

The American government drew on Iraq's well-known WMD program in the 1980s to justify its unsubstantiated claims regarding that country in 2003. However, its allegation on Iran having an active nuclear weapon program is based on pure speculations and lacks any credibility, as, unlike the case of Iraq, there is not even a historical precedence to make such allegation. Moreover, Iran's nuclear program has received IAEA approval, clear proof of its non-military nature.

Nevertheless, Washington has pressured the IAEA to declare Iran in material breach of its nuclear obligations in the upcoming IAEA meeting in June, although the February visit of the IAEA head and his inspector teams to Iran did not prove any wrongdoing by the Iranians. In particular, Washington has tried to portray Iran's declared plan to establish facilities to have a complete nuclear fuel cycle as a clear violation of its IAEA obligations and a proof for its pursuing a nuclear weapons program. This is notwithstanding the fact that having such objective and its required facilities to enable the Iranians to exploit their own uranium mines and to enrich uranium are well within Iran's rights under IAEA rules and regulations.

Thus, Iran's two declared and under-construction uranium enrichment facilities in Natanz and heavy water production facility in Arak are not proof of its wrongdoings; the former inspected by the IAEA team in February. This is especially so as IAEA regulations require the declaration of nuclear facilities when they contain nuclear material, which is not even the case for the two under-construction facilities.

In light of these realities, Russia's clear determination to continue its nuclear relations with Iran reflects not only its attempt to preserve its economic interests in Iran, but its growing concern about America's aggressive foreign policy. Undoubtedly, such policy has major security implications for Moscow. In particular, the Russians are concerned about the possibility of Iran's domination by the US, in one form or another, which could also lead to a long-term American military presence in that country.

Moscow's loss of its Iranian strategic ally, if it happened, would seriously endanger its security at a time that it requires a long period of peace and security to revitalize its devastated economy. Such loss will complete its encirclement by hostile or potentially hostile pro-American states hosting the American military. The American government's behavior since late 2001 has indicated its pursuit of a plan to ensure its uninterrupted access to energy resources and strategically important regions, such as the Persian Gulf, its unchallenged power and its leadership of a unipolar international system. That requires eliminating the potential "troublemakers", the current and future "rogue" states.

Given this reality, Russia should have every reason to believe it to be one of the next states, if not the next one, on the American list of targets if Washington restores its influence in neighboring Iran. Fear of such a scenario seems to be a major reason for the Russians to continue their multi-dimensional ties with Iran, including in the nuclear realm, to prevent its weakness and isolation, two tempting prerequisites for any future American designs on Iran.

Dr Hooman Peimani works as an independent consultant with international organizations in Geneva and does research in international relations.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
May 31, 2003



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