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One fewer reformist voice in Saudi Arabia
By Ian Urbina

While many people have been fixated on Qatar and the firing of television station al-Jazeera's director-general, Mohammed Jassem al-Ali, due to allegations of ties to Iraqi intelligence, another perhaps more consequential firing was taking place in Saudi Arabia. The sudden ouster of Jamal Khashoggi, editor of the anti-extremist al-Watan newspaper may have lasting and dire repercussions for the prospects of reform in that country.

Above all, the move is meant as a message from right-wing clerics that they will not tolerate the growing tide of criticism against them. Ever since September 11, there have been pointed questions about the role of these clerics in breeding radical and armed fundamentalists. Khashoggi was one of the few critical voices coming from within the kingdom itself, and in many ways he hoped that al-Watan would push the envelope toward increased press legitimacy so that other papers might follow the lead.

Choosing to act now, many conservative clerics probably foresaw that the recent bombing in Riyadh would kick up additional criticism at their expense. But the more immediate impetus was a number of articles published in al-Watan about the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, the religious police in Saudi Arabia. The "vice" police are notorious for stalking the streets searching for any form of "un-Islamic" activity. Inappropriate chit-chat on cell phone text-messaging, women with any exposed skin, men not at work - all of these could invite the wrath of these stick-wielding officers.

But al-Watan was striking a more challenging posture toward these behavior police. The paper ran an article about the attempted suicide of a man who was detained with his children for 12 hours for the crime of having been caught smoking. Also stoking the ire of authorities was an article about the desire of many women to attend soccer games. Especially irksome were al-Watan's cartoons, which often depicted scraggly clerics in full-length garb equipped with rolled up fatwas (religious decrees) resembling sticks of dynamite.

Having joined the paper only two months ago, Khashoggi had already written numerous editorials critical of clerical influence. Subsequent to the recent Riyadh bombing, he cited religious extremism as the cause of such violence.

In his column Khashoggi wrote of the bombings: "Those who committed yesterday's crime, which will have a painful impact on the peaceful nature of our nation, are not only the suicide bombers," he added, "but also everyone who instigated or justified the attacks, everyone who called them mujahideen, even everyone who ignored this irregular direction in our religion and nature, or tried to find excuses for it."

But, according to the Guardian of London, the final straw for the clerics was an article which pitted Ibn Taimaya, a famous 14th century Muslim philosopher, against Saudi nationalism itself. Ibn Taimaya is famous for having taught that religious scholars could assume the task of declaring holy war even if their rulers opted otherwise. Taimaya is considered a main inspiration for the conservative and austere Wahhabi brand of Islam rooted in the kingdom. An article titled, "Who is more important - the nation or Ibn Taimaya?" intellectually threatened Wahhabi clerics with the implication that they may not be the exclusive bastions of national heritage.

As a result, one day before Khashoggi's firing, a prominent cleric released a fatwa making it a sin to buy al-Watan. The fatwa implored law-abiding and ethical citizens not to buy the paper.

Officially, al-Watan - which means "The Homeland" in Arabic is classified in Saudi Arabia as a private newspaper. It is, however, largely owned by members of the royal family and the government is in charge of hiring and firing. Khashoggi, for example, received his dismissal notice from the Minister of Information.

Saudi Arabia is clearly facing a political turning point. But at the same time society is being torn from two different directions. On the one hand, the government is increasing its domestic crackdowns. To win favor with the United States, arbitrary round-ups are not uncommon. Such are the public gestures which prove government resolve to root out terrorists. To question the propriety, ethics or legality of these hasty and shady round-ups is to risk accusations of sympathy for indiscriminate and fundamentalist murderers. On the other hand, conservative clerics (some of whom support radical elements) are tightening their squeeze on society. These clerics demonize reformists as being in legion with foreign enemies.

On both fronts, the losers are average working Saudis and proponents for reform.

What fledgling attempts there may have been for a more critical press in Saudi Arabia took a big step backwards with the loss of Khashoggi. And unfortunately, this action does not seem to be an aberration. When asked about the firing and the possible legitimacy of criticism against the conservative clerics, Prince Nayef, the interior minister who oversees all press matters, lambasted reporters for even raising the matter. He was quoted as saying, "As a Saudi, you should be ashamed to be asking this question."

Many will watch to see if any of the country's other papers dare to rally behind al-Watan. On principle, they should. But the consequences could be dire. It is also an open question whether other Arab news outlets will step up to criticize the events within the Arabian Peninsula's political heavyweight. Their reaction, too, may be an indicator of just how chilly reformist politics will get in the desert kingdom.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Jun 3, 2003




Shifting sands and the House of Saud (May 29, '03)

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(May 23, '03)

Saudi Arabia: Less talk, more action
(May 21, '03)

Regime change, al-Qaeda style
(May 20, '03)

 

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