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Americans stymie Japan-Iran oil deal
By Hooman Peimani

Japan and Iran have missed a deadline to sign off on an important US$2 billion oil deal after two years of negotiations, apparently in the face of American pressure over Iran's nuclear ambitions. Given the importance of the American market for Japan's troubled economy and its reliance on Washington for security, Tokyo may condition its signing the contract on Tehran's satisfying the American demand on its joining the additional protocol to the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968 or a similar agreement.

Japan appears willing ultimately to sign the contract for the development of part of Iran's largest oilfield, Azadegan, located in its oil-rich Khuzestan Province. Tokyo sees it as a vital source of long-term energy supplies for its economy, which is heavily dependent on imported oil. Accessing the oilfield is especially important for the Japanese, who about two years ago lost their rights to extract oil from Saudi Arabia's Kafji zone. According to available estimates, the Azadegan oilfield contains 6 billion barrels of crude.

A Japanese consortium consisting of Tomen, Inpex and Japan Petroleum Exploration has been negotiating with the Iranian Ministry of Oil for the development of the field since 2001. Their representatives were supposed to sign with their Iranian counterparts this Monday, although the mounting American pressure on Japan raised doubts on its in-time signing even prior to that day.

The American intervention in the Japanese-Iranian transaction is part of a broader US policy to pressure Iran to sign the NPT protocol providing for more extensive inspections of its non-military nuclear facilities. It also reflects Washington's two-decades-old policy of seeking to weaken Iran by limiting its revenues. The intervention is the first American attempt to block a major economic agreement involving Iran since the openly hostile American policy towards that country began following the Anglo-American occupation of Iraq. The Japanese and Iranian negotiators have blamed unresolved economic issues for the missed deadline. Although that is conceivable for a two-billion-dollar contract, the statements of Japan's chief cabinet secretary on Tuesday suggested that the American pressure was the main delaying factor and that Tokyo would not likely sign the contract unless Iran addresses Washington's concern somehow. Referring to American allegations over Iran's clandestine nuclear-weapon program, Yasuo Fukuda urged Iran to "address" those allegations and added: "We are unlikely to sign a contract over crude oil that sets aside concern about Iran's nuclear program."

Officially, the missed deadline does not mean the death of the deal. Both sides report continued talks over the unresolved economic issues, implying they would sign the contract at a later time once those issues are resolved. However, it is unlikely that they will sign against American pressure. This is notwithstanding Iran's importance for Japan as its third-largest oil supplier and as its major economic partner in the Middle East. For these reasons, the Japanese have sought to to diverge their policy from that of the Americans towards Iran. This has been reflected in various joint ventures such as a huge steel complex in Iran's Persian Gulf island of Qeshm, part of whose products are to be exported to Japan once it is operational. The Japanese are also involved in the Iranian auto industry.

Nonetheless, Tokyo has sought to maintain a careful balancing act over its ties with Tehran while at the same time trying to keep from antagonizing Washington. Thus, contrary to its legal obligations, Japan has refused to complete some of Iran's major projects, such as the petrochemical complex at Bandar Imam. It has also refrained from major investments in Iran's oil and gas industry to comply with the American D'Amato Act proscribing non-American investments over US$20 billion in that industry. However, as the Europeans, Russians and Asian oil companies have ignored the Act since 1997 to secure access to Iran's large oil and gas reserves, the Japanese are now trying to catch up.

The Azadegan project has the potential to turn Japan into a major player in Iran's fossil fuels industry, enabling it to compete with the mentioned companies in process of dominating that industry through a variety of buyback contracts. The project could also provide Japan with a reliable, long-term source of energy to address its pressing need for imported fuel. For these reasons, the Japanese have a clear interest in concluding the oil deal. However, they have to balance that against ties with the United States for their economic and security merits.

Consequently, Tokyo will probably try to prolong the continuing talks with Tehran until Iran's nuclear issue is somehow resolved. In this regard, a realistic scenario could be its waiting until September when the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is scheduled to report on Iran's progress towards satisfying the IAEA's requests for more extensive cooperation. Despite Washington's hope, the IAEA could well present an overall positive report. Its June report did not accuse Iran of violations of its safeguards obligations, even though it referred to a few cases of "failures", while mentioning Iran's measures to address them. Russia's continued cooperation with Iran on its nuclear energy project and its expression of interest for expanding such cooperation since the June report suggest Moscow is expecting a positive report on Iran's nuclear health.

Technically, an IAEA report exonerating the Iranians of all Washington's accusations on their nuclear objectives would enable Japan to sign the Azadegan oil deal. Yet, this would still require Tokyo to ignore Washington's opposition to any deal for its positive effects on Iran's economy, a possibility given the two-year-long talks in the face of American opposition. After all, the Japanese, like the Europeans, pursue their national interests, which are at odds with those of the Americans in a growing number of areas. Notwithstanding, the direct intervention of the Americans in the Japanese-Iranian oil deal signals the escalation of hostility between Iran and the United States with a predictably damaging impact on American relations with some of its closest allies such as Japan.

Dr Hooman Peimani works as an independent consultant with international organizations in Geneva and does research in international relations.

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Jul 4, 2003


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