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A voice of sanity amid Iraq's
chaos
By Syed
Saleem Shahzad
SULAIMANIYA, Northern Iran -
Violence continues in most parts of the central Iraq,
with sloganeering against the US presence the daily
business in the south, and anxiety over the right of
determination for the Kurds in the north. Yet a slow and
steady political process is very gradually evolving.
Side by side with the daily casualties
of US soldiers, a well-thought out and enduring
package of policies is very much in the focus of the
indigenous political forces of the post-Saddam era,
although it remains to be seen how long it will take for
the present anarchy and political vacuum to be replaced
by a stable political system.
Under Saddam
Hussein, all political forces opposed to his
self-hatched, so-called Arab socialist nationalism were
crushed. As a result, southern Iraq seems to be devoid
of any political force and the half -literate clerics
are exploiting the chaos. A similar situation exists in
central Iraq. However, the situation in the northern
region of Kurdistan is different. After the Gulf War of
1991, the Kurds began to establish democratic norms and
civil society, and these endeavors are now bearing
fruit.
In the present chaotic circumstances, the
Kurds have a team, unified theories for the future of
Iraq, and a decisive role to play. And unlike the other
regions, the Kurds are playing their cards very cleverly
and making sure of a powerful role in any future
government.
One man, Dr Faud Masum, has emerged
nationally in the post-Saddam period as a powerful
political personality.
He is also the most prominent figure in Kurdistan right
now and is tipped as the president of its next joint
parliament. (He was the first prime minister of the joint
parliament, but resigned immediately because the Kurdish factions
could not develop consensus on issues). Currently he is
a member of a committee in Baghdad which is pondering a
constitution for Iraq.
Masum, 65, has had a
dynamic career. A PhD in Islamic Philosphy from Cairo
University, he wrote his thesis on Iqwan-u-Sifa (a group
of sufis in 10th century Iraq who believed in
secularism). He was a teacher at Basra University but
later he chose to be a peshmerga , a member of a
Kurdish volunteer force and which means "a person who
faces death" in the Kurdish struggle. He says that he
fought for Kurdistan and carries many old wounds, but he
never wounded anybody.
This correspondent had a
chance to speak to Masum at his modest house in a
middle-class district of Sulaimaniya, in Iraqi
Kurdistan, where he outlined his political perspective
on post-Saddam Iraq.
ATol: Iraq is
situated in the heart of the Arab world. How do you see
the present developments and their impact on neigboring
countries, especially the presence of US troops?
Masum: Let me clarify. Iraq is not an
Arab country. It is a multi-ethnic country comprising
Assyrians, Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, etc. But we are a
member of the Arab League and we would retain that
membership. In my opinion, an "Iraq first" policy is in
our interest, but we would not be part of any plan
against our neighbors, nor would we support it.
ATol: The US' aims in the Middle East
seem to be obvious. It plans to change the dynamics of
Middle Eastern society and wants broad democratic and
economic reforms in the region. How do you see these
developments?
Masum: Of cource, the
situation in Iraq will have a direct impact on
neighboring countries, and that is why these countries
are afraid. Interestingly, they already have US troops
on their land, but they are afraid of US designs for
political and economic reforms in the region. The US has
a clear line of interest behind these policies, but we
too have our interests. Let's see what happens in the
future.
ATol: There is an impression that
the US would not allow a big local army and it would
continue to dominate the region through its presence. Do
you think this is part of its colonial thinking on Iraq?
Masum: I do not think so. Colonialism is
history now. The US cannot directly rule in Iraq. I
think they will keep their presence through some of
their bases in Iraq. As far as an Iraqi army is
concerned, it would number 130,000 to 140,000, not
including the border guards. Since the Ba'athist regime
developed its own military doctrine, we aim to purge
that trend and develop an army on a new theme.
ATol: How do you see the present
political trends in Iraq, with so-called Islamic
fundamentalism taking root after the prolonged secular
rule of the Ba'athist regime?
Masum: The
southern Iraqi region used to be a nest of leftist and
nationalist movements before Ba'athist rule. However,
during Saddam's period several factors combined to
weaken the real political forces. For instance, Shi'ites
were suppressed. Similarly, the Iranian revolution took
place, which helped the Islamic parties in the south to
follow a model like the one communists used to have for
the USSR.
But I think that once elections are
held, these Islamic parties will not hold a majority.
They are only more organized now because of the
political fractures caused by the Saddam government's
victimization. Islamist parties are also playing
skillfully with some temporary problems like civic
unrest, and they are painting the present US invasion as
a fight between Islam and infidels.
You see,
there is a person named Muktadarus Sadr emerging as a
leader in the south. He is not a cleric qualified to
issue any religious ruling. He is too young to be the
top scholar of the Shi'ites. He has started raising
slogans against the US and many of the former Ba'athists
[those who are Shi'ites] have joined him. This is now
the order of the day in the south.
I see these
developments as a temporary phase and once the country
gets on a political track, they will fizzle out.
ATol: The Sunni Arabs ruled Iraq from the
beginning. Now they have a sense of deprivation. Many
believe this is the main propelling force behind the
resistance against US troops. What is your opinion?
Masum: Saddam has already explioted Arab
nationalism. He has used Sunnis against Shi'ites. We
Kurds are Sunnis but he destroyed us. Shi'ites are Arabs
but they were suppressed. What we here call the
"triangle of resistance" mostly comprises the remnants
of the Ba'athist regime. They have nothing to do with
Sunni Arabs. The resistance movement has no political
manifestation; it is just a fight for vested interests
of the former Ba'athists. Saddam was equally bad for
everybody, and anybody can see the bodies of Arab Sunnis
in the recently found mass graves besides those of
Shi'ites and Kurds.
However, there is a group of
Sunni clerics who are preaching that power should be in
the hands of Sunni Arabs. These clerics mostly belong to
the Ba'ath Party. Sunni Arabs ruled this region during
the Ottoman Empire, during King Faisal's reign, after
the 1958 revolution, and after the Ba'ath revolution.
There was no room in the past for non-Sunni Arabs in any
sensitive or important positions. Even the governors of
the Kurd and Shi'ite regions were Sunni Arabs. But in my
opinion this injustice should not continue in the
future. A federal system, not like in the West, but like
in many Eastern countries, should be implimented in
which all three parts of Iraq should have greater
autonomy for their decisions.
ATol: The
US failed to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq,
and failed to find a link between the Saddam regime and
al-Qaeda. Is there any justification for the US
invasion?
Masum: I saw mass graves and
suppression under Saddam Hussein, and I think that it is
the moral duty of any nation to help another nation out
from these circumtances.
(Copyright 2003 Asia
Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please
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