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Israeli firms in post-Ba'athist Baghdad
By Iason Athanasiadis

With much of the rest of the commercial world shut out of the reconstruction of Iraq, Israeli companies are quietly finding a way through US-imposed roadblocks that favor selected companies and countries in order to ink contracts.

Having already exported their expertise to Egypt and Jordan while pioneering models of agricultural technology used in Egypt to combat desertification, Israeli firms are trying to find ways of entering a potentially lucrative market, neglected after over a decade of sanctions and ripe for expansion by an entrepreneurial private sector willing to invest in dates, vegetables, wheat, poultry products, cattle and sheep.

Iraq, however, is unstable, and Israel's popularity is at an all-time low in the region. So it seems convoys of Israeli businessmen are unlikely to begin pouring into Iraq anytime soon. However, Israeli businessmen have learned through long and sometimes bitter experience in the Middle East that joining up with the Australians, Americans or British is one way of doing business in Iraq.

Another is partnering with Jordanian and Turkish Muslim firms that possess prior experience doing business in Iraq. Israeli entrepreneurs are treading more carefully after learning in Egypt and Jordan that advertising their presence in a hostile environment usually leads to business disasters and squandered capital.

Despite isolated cases where Israel's retail sector has sought to make inroads into Iraq - the food company Osem is reported by the Yediot Aharonot newspaper to have received a request to market its Bamba (peanut-flavored puffs) snack there - Israel is more likely to covertly promote its hi-tech products. Iraq’s Coalition Provisional Authority has already awarded a contract worth US$4-5 million to Iridium Israel for mobile satellite communication services.

"In general, Israeli products are high-value and not suited to the consumer in the street," says Doron Peskin, the managing director of Info-Prod, a business information company that provides its clients with market research and political risk analysis. "Israeli technologies are used in niche markets but there will be no influx in the retail market."

In fact, the Sharon government is approaching Iraq's lucrative market - with an estimated $250 million per annum export potential for Israel - through a two-pronged approach, which involves capitalizing on Israel's agricultural and communications technology expertise while trying to tap into Iraq's natural resources with ambitious infrastructure projects.

"There are two main sectors in which Israel can succeed," Peskin says. "The first is the hi-tech industry relevant to reconstruction. The second is agricultural technology including advanced water purification techniques."

So far, five Israeli companies reportedly have expressed interest in working in Iraq: infrastructure firms A Arenson and the Solel Boneh Building and Infrastructure Company; Shiryonit Hosem, a manufacturer of steel doors; Tami 4, a water purification company that is already exporting purification devices to the new market; and Tanurgas, a Tiberius-based firm.

"From time to time, representatives of Israeli firms who speak openly to the Hebrew-language press of their intentions or even already businesses [in Iraq], consider these statements mere 'public relations' attempts," says Peskin. "Serious Israeli firms, which target the Iraqi market, are operating through 'silent' channels."

One of the more tantalizing prospects is Iraq's agriculture sector. Farming took a back seat in the 1950s when the government focused its investments in the oil sector and the country lost self-sufficiency. Still, the field remains Israel's second revenue source after energy. Iraq's water resources and the lush Euphrates valley, known for its fertile soil, are tempting Israel's agricultural specialists.

A former Australian ambassador to Tel Aviv recounts how Israeli businesses are flocking to his embassy "because we are reputed to have the upper hand in Iraq's ministry of agriculture". He adds that "Australian firms would never use Israeli partners because of the controversy factor and because we bring our own expertise."

"We believe that success for Israeli products will be achieved through working with a third party, including changing source of origin and labelling," says Peskin. "This can be done from holding companies in Cyprus and Jordan, for example, will reduce the psychological barrier of importers being seen to trade with Israel, and have the result of hiding such trade from the common Iraqi."

Ariel M Ezrahi, a London-based lawyer who wrote his dissertation on trade relations between Israel and its Arab neighbors, agrees: "Let the Jordanians have the office in Baghdad, manned by Arabs, and let Israelis feed in goods to Amman. Have them repackaged there so no Hebrew markings are apparent, and move them on to Iraq. That way, the average Iraqi consumer will not realize that what appears to be a Jordanian product is Israeli-supplied. Maybe 20 years down the line, it won't be a problem, but even in Jordan at the moment, you don't find openly Israeli products."

Partnerships are far from being a total solution. Many companies may steer clear of collaborating with Israeli firms because of popular anger with Israel's policies. Campaigns to "name and shame" Arab companies trading with Israeli firms are common in the Arab world, notably in Jordan. There, the Jordan Professional Unions, a stronghold of opposition against the normalization of ties with Israel, issued a list of Jordanian personalities and firms dealing with Israel. The Internet has also proved a powerful tool for mobilizing opposition, particularly in countries with authoritarian governments, where public protest is violently quelled.

Even if Muslim companies disregard domestic opposition and team up with Israeli firms, problems remain. The Jordanian and Turkish governments are unpopular in Iraq due to Jordan's trade with the Saddam regime and Turkish incursions into northern Iraq. Both countries' embassies were recently bombed. Disclosure that Arab companies are colluding with Israel in a market still technically boycotting Israel would lead to hostile popular and mixed governmental reactions by other Arab governments.

"We have already seen Syria raise the issue of reconstruction in Iraq and request discussion in the Arab League," says Peskin. "On the other hand, Jordanian entrepreneurs are already exploiting opportunities with Israel. The answer lies somewhere between these two extreme cases. There is no homogeneous Arab perspective. Individual businessmen will always try to develop opportunities, but officially, no Arab nation can be seen to encourage Israel to enter the market openly."

With an increasing number of contracts being awarded to Arab and European firms with prior experience trading in Iraq, it could well be that, despite being a virgin market, Iraq may also prove to be a difficult arena in which to turn a profit, especially given the added costs Israeli companies will incur in seeking to keep a low profile.

"It has to be remembered that the Iraqi market is competitive and many foreign nations are vying to exploit this market," says Peskin. "Although Israel has special advantages in specific industries, overall, the political sensitivity that trade with Israel arouses will mean that at this stage, at least, Israeli trade will have little impact."

The profits that Israel's entrepreneurs might produce in Iraq are minimal compared to the benefits that will be forthcoming should Israel's government succeed in realizing a couple of major infrastructure projects, notably the disused Mosul-Haifa pipeline. Israeli Infrastructure Minister Joseph Paritzky has been pursuing the idea of reopening the pipeline.

In the wake of repeated sabotage attacks against the northern pipeline exporting oil via Turkey, the Israeli proposal has seemed increasingly possible. Both impoverished Jordan - whose territory the pipeline would transit - and oil-starved Israel are bound to welcome the idea. Israeli sources have described the Jordanian government as "optimistic" at the prospect. The US will also welcome the diversion: a land route for oil direct to the Mediterranean would lessen American dependence on Gulf oil supplies.

Another large-scale project recently floated by Israel was the revival of a railway track linking the northern Jordanian town of Irbid with the Israeli seaside city of Haifa, originally developed as part of the 1994 Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty. Extending the track to Baghdad would diminish Iraq's isolation and allow for the transport of heavy goods cheaply and efficiently, directly from a major Mediterranean port.

However, all experts interviewed for this article stressed that it is still too premature for Israeli businesses to be making speculative plans for trading in Iraq.

"This is a transitional regime and Israelis feel relatively comfortable at the moment," warns Ezrahi. "But if there’s a transfer of power, things could change very quickly. A case in point is Iran, where enormous Israeli deals were made because the Shah was pro-American. As a result, a lot of Israelis visited Tehran on a regular basis. After the Islamic Revolution everything stopped abruptly. We should never forget that Iraq is still unstable."

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Oct 21, 2003



 

 
   
         
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