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House of Saud plays a radical card
By Syed Saleem Shahzad

KARACHI - Just when Islamist radicals and the House of Saud appeared to be enjoying a mutually-agreed standoff, a bomb blast ripped through a residential complex in Riyadh on November 8, claiming the lives of at least 17 people.

The attack - as yet not claimed by any group, although al-Qaeda were immediate suspects - threatened to take relations between the monarchy and radicals back to the time shortly before the Iraqi war at the beginning of the year when al-Qaeda ended a ceasefire with the Saudi rulers.

However, events in the kingdom indicate that the House of Saud - despite its public rhetoric against militancy - and the Islamic radicals have "reunited' to save the kingdom from anarchy, and the inevitable subsequent threat of external forces meddling in the country's domestic affairs. This is due to the efforts of a few royal family members and prominent clerics.

At a three-day meeting over the weekend, Crown Prince Abdullah and a group of more than 40 Saudi scholars gathered in Mecca for discussions on mediation between the government and those waging a bloody campaign to overthrow the House of Saud. The meeting included a mentor of Osama bin Laden, Muslim theologian Safar al-Hawali, who denies claims that the recent Riyadh bombing could be considered jihad.

"Our problem as Muslims is with those who seek to destroy us and our religion - and they are well known - not with the Arab and Islamic governments in our countries," al-Hawali was quoted as saying in the media. He and other Saudi radicals believe that the government should use them as a conduit to open dialogue with the rebels. They say that most rebels would turn themselves in if they were guaranteed fair treatment. "This initiative [with Crown Prince Abdullah] aims to stop any new terrorist attacks, [to stop] the bloodshed and to open a dialogue between the government and the extremists," al-Hawali said.

Al-Hawali is the secretary general of the Global Anti-Aggression Campaign, which was established in April in Egypt by more than 225 religious and political figures over the Islamic world as a means of uniting efforts "in alerting the community concerning its right to self-defense and resistance to the aggression of enemies in all possible legitimate and effective means".

"The Muslim nation has been subjected to vicious aggression at the hands of the forces of tyranny and oppression, especially the Zionists and the American administration led by right-wing extremists," read a statement by the founders of the group.

The complexities of Saudi militancy 
A senior Pakistani intelligence operator who served for some time in the Saudi cities of Riyadh and Jeddah, and who recently worked with Saudi security authorities, told Asia Times Online that the militant organizations in the kingdom differ from those of bin Laden's International Islamic Front that are involved in Afghanistan.

"These militant organizations [in Saudi Arabia] are faceless and nameless, and although they are sympathetic with bin Laden and his anti-US agenda, they are not a part of al-Qaeda's organizational structure. These groups primarily comprise youths who fought in Afghanistan [during the Soviet occupation in the 1980s] who, when they returned to their country, devoted themselves to the cause of jihad to help oppressed Muslims in Bosnia, Chechnya etc. Afghanistan and Iraq became the new playing fields.

"However, they were never allied with or were privy to the terror networks involved in al-Qaeda's terror activities. But at the same time, these entities were sympathetic towards bin Laden, and when al-Qaeda decided to break its truce with the House of Saud [at the start of the Iraqi war] and began operations against Western targets, several of these cells got involved."

So the Saudi authorities decided to initiate dialogue with these rebels to ask them not to bring instability into the kingdom. The former intelligence chief of Saudi Arabia, Prince Turki al-Faisal, was chosen to accomplish this task, and meetings took place in London, were Turki had been posted as an ambassador.

Several Islamic groups have a presence in London, including the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia (MIRA) headed by Dr Saad al-Fagih, the Hizbut Tehrir, the al-Mohajaroon and others, which was why Turki was stationed there in the first place.

The talks in London had just begun with these organizations and other underground ones when the first Riyadh bombing took place in May this year, also in a residential area, This obviously strained relations. However, Turki managed to bring the two sides closer, but once again this month's blast in Riyadh, which targeted Muslim foreigners, most of Arab origin, disturbed the process.

The situation is similar to that in 1998 when Turki persuaded Taliban leader Mullah Omar in Afghanistan to hand over Bin Laden to Saudi Arabia, which has no tradition of handing over its citizens to a foreign country, such as the United States (though bin Laden was stripped of his citizenship, he is still Saudi born). At that time, the US wanted bin Laden on charges of international terrorism in connection with the bombing earlier that year of the US embassies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and Nairobi, Kenya, in which more than 200 people died. However, this plan fell through when the US launched cruise missiles against Afghanistan in retaliation for the terror in Africa.

Another bid for bin Laden was initiated by Turki and Crown Prince Abdullah in 2001. They covertly visited Pakistan and Afghanistan and held meetings with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence, the Taliban and bin Laden himself. These moves followed a US bid to use Pakistani land and aerial routes to attack Afghanistan in order to catch bin Laden. In the middle of these efforts, the hijacked planes crashed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and all talking stopped. (See Asia Times Online Osama bin Laden: The thorn in Pakistan's flesh )

These examples of past Saudi bids to defuse tense international situations, as well as the current efforts by both Turki and Crown Prince Abdullah to smooth troubled domestic waters, while laudable in one sense, are in fact self-serving in that the Saudi rulers will go to any extreme to perpetuate their rule - even if it means, as in the latest case, soliciting the help of the Islamic radicals, and thereby supporting their cause.

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Nov 21, 2003



Saudi rulers draw the wrong line
(Nov 19, '03)

Saudis forced to look inwards
(Nov 13, '03)

 

 
   
         
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