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OPINION
Get smart or lose the war
By Xiao Xi

BEIJING - Intelligence is one thing that separates humans and animals, and, it seems, success and failure in the present "war on terror". The attacks on the British consulate in Istanbul and the Italian barracks in Nasiryah, Iraq, show an appalling lack of intelligence, in its broadest sense. And there is a strong possibility that the anti-terrorist forces are losing the war.

Three years ago, after the September 11 attacks, the world was in awe and fear of the terrorist offensive, as well as the imminent American response. Afghanistan was a mess, a black hole spreading infection all over Central Asia, but Iraq was contained, and so in general was the Middle East, where Syria and Iran, whose governments were not amicable with the West, were restraining their aggression.

Three years later, Afghanistan is no longer a safe haven for terrorists, but spreads drugs all over the world. The warlords who helped defeat the Taliban and drive out Osama bin Laden reap the fruits of the victory by selling opium and heroin. Iraq has been rid of Saddam Hussein, but it looks like a quagmire where no less than 200,000 soldiers must be committed lest their own security is endangered. Experts reckon that having fewer than 150,000 soldiers in Iraq would escalate the number of casualties.

The attacks in Istanbul, like the bomb in Bali, show that al-Qaeda has the clout to convince local extremists to side with it in sensitive territories like Indonesia or Turkey, craftily chosen as weak links in the allied chain - Muslim states with extremist potential yet siding with the West.

Post-war operations in Afghanistan, Iraq and in Kosovo (yes, Kosovo has not been pacified) are engaging some 250-300,000 soldiers from the US and other countries, draining the human resources of America, not to mention its money and energy. The result is that the US has no energy to tackle other, possibly greater, threats such as North Korea. Talk of expanding US action from Iraq to other troubled neighboring countries, like Syria for instance, has become subdued.

Meanwhile, the forces of terror are trying to destabilize those neighbors who are siding with the US. In other words, the US is on the defensive whereas the terrorists are on the offensive, both in and around Iraq. And there is no solution in sight.

Attacks on the US and its allies are growing in number and intensity, not decreasing. More anti-terror forces are being committed to combat this, but their quality is decreasing. The new US troops who are going to Baghdad are from the National Guard. They will live in their barracks, completely separated from the rest of Iraq, feeling more and more besieged, more and more in hostile territory, more and more controlled by the enemy. Besides, it is not clear whether there is an exit strategy.

How can America stabilize this Iraq? The growing number of attacks proves that the US-led forces know less and less about what is going on in Iraq, not more. Iraq, in other words, looks like a trap about which the US and its allies, their soldiers and their people know little. They don't know about the country its rules and customs, its intricacies, its snares. In short, they lack intelligence.

Al-Qaeda managed the September 11 attacks not because of its powerful military but because it beguiled US intelligence. The US failed to preempt September 11 not because of lack of guns, but because of lack of intelligence in the broad sense. In Iraq, the situation grows worse by the day for the same reason: the US certainly has enough guns, but not enough intelligence. North Atlantic Treaty Organization General Fabio Mini, in his latest book, La Guerra dopo la Guerra, stresses that the threat of global terrorism has to be met with much better information networks. John Keegan in his The First World War points out that the armies had enough shells to kill each other many times over, but lacked information on where to direct their shells.

This seems to be happening in Iraq now. Soldiers are busy defending themselves and people are coming from outside to join Saddam's supporters.

Why don't we know? How can we know? How can we use the knowledge to win over the uncertain and isolate the die-hard enemies? These questions have to be addressed very seriously as they are more important than any quarrel about the number of people in the field.

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Nov 22, 2003





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