Baker's mission impossible
By Hussain Khan
TOKYO - If
generalities can be regarded as a success, James A Baker
III, US special envoy responsible for easing Iraq's
US$120 billion foreign debt, has had his first reward in
the form of France and Germany agreeing on Tuesday that
international creditors should lay aside their
differences over the Iraq war and tackle Baghdad's debts
in 2004.
A spokesman for German Chancellor
Gerhard Schroeder said that Berlin and Paris had agreed
on cutting Iraqi debt. Baker said that the two countries
agreed that the specifics of the deal should be reached
next year among the Paris Club of creditor states.
Gaining agreement with France - as well as with
Germany and Russia - is viewed as crucial to US efforts
to reduce Iraq's sovereign debt. US officials say that
excessive debt payments would stifle any Iraqi economic
recovery.
The three nations were among Iraq's
biggest lenders in the 1970s and 1980s, when most of the
debt was amassed. Figures vary, but Iraq owes France
around $3 billion, excluding interest. It owes Germany
as much as $4 billion and Russia anywhere from $3
billion to $8 billion.
The three are also key
members of the Paris Club, an informal grouping of the
most important creditor nations, including the US, the
European Union states and Japan. Any debt forgiveness
for Iraq would likely have to be worked out among the
club's 19 members. Reports say that the US may be
seeking to have as much as two-thirds of Iraq's debt
written off. This would be similar to a deal made by the
Paris Club with Yugoslavia after the fall of Slobodan
Milosevic.
Despite these positive words on Iraqi
debt, though, the mood in France, Germany and Russia is
still sour following a Pentagon directive last week that
bans companies from the three nations from participating
as prime contractors in US reconstruction projects in
Iraq. The directive said that only companies from the
US, Iraq and 61 other countries judged sympathetic to
the US-led coalition can bid for contracts worth a total
of more than $18 billion.
Debt reduction linked
to contracts And during this week's swing through
Europe, Baker has yet to offer any hope for France,
Germany or Russia to bid for the contracts, leaving the
way open for these countries to use the outstanding debt
as a bargaining chip in gaining access to reconstruction
contracts.
Further, the Paris Club can only
change debt terms with internationally recognized
governments. As France told Baker, any offer that it
makes on debt relief will be conditional on a fully
sovereign government being in place in Baghdad -
something that won't happen before July 2004, at the
earliest.
The International Monetary Fund puts
Iraq's debts at about $120 billion, of which about $40
billion is debt and arrears to the 19 countries in the
Paris Club, and $80 billion is owed to other countries,
most of them Arab. Observers have said in private that
countries such as Germany and Japan are less keen than
others about adding a heavy dose of flexibility to
strict Paris Club rules on debt relief.
US
officials say that Baker, a trusted friend of the Bush
family, wants to put across the message that France,
Germany and Russia still have an opportunity to secure
lucrative sub-contracts, hinting that his real mission
is much broader than the debt issue: he wants to
negotiate with France and Germany to bring them into
postwar Iraq.
Baker also faces differences over
Washington's Iraq policies, despite efforts in recent
months to rebuild relations damaged by the war. France,
for example, wants a bigger role for the United Nations
in Iraq.
When Baker was appointed on December 5
as an special US envoy, administration officials said
that the portfolio of Baker, 73, would be much broader
than seeking an international agreement to restructure
the debt, and that he would serve as an unofficial
ambassador to explain the administration's plans for
Iraq to skeptical nations in Europe and the Middle East.
Baker accustomed to the
limelight Officials
noted that Baker, who as a powerful White House chief of
staff and treasury secretary in the Ronald Reagan
administration, and an equally powerful secretary of
state for the first president Bush during the 1991 Gulf
War, was not a man accustomed to remaining in the
background. Baker's appointment also raises questions
about the role of Treasury Secretary John W Snow, who
has been leading the administration's efforts on Iraqi
debt. At the same time, the appointment gives Baker
diplomatic responsibility and visibility that would
ordinarily be accorded to Secretary of State Colin
Powell.
Whatever State Department officials may
say for face-saving reasons, the following statement by
President George W Bush clearly implies that he was in
need of a man with better qualifications than Powell to
act as his private and personal "secretary of state" for
the job Powell could not perform to get international
consensus on Iraq. "James Baker's vast economic,
political and diplomatic experience as a former
secretary of state and secretary of the treasury will
help forge an international consensus for an equitable
and effective resolution of this issue," Bush said in a
statement.
Baker is said to have accepted the
job only after being convinced that he would have direct
access to Bush as his envoy, just as he had with George
Bush's father, H W. The White House said that the
appointment had been made at the request of the Iraqi
Governing Council.
One difficulty for Baker
might be that he is tangled in a matrix of lucrative
private business relationships that leave him looking
like a potentially interested party in any
debt-restructuring formula. The obvious solution is for
him to sever his ties to all firms doing work directly
or indirectly related to Iraq.
Baker is
senior counselor to the Carlyle Group, a global
investment company that has done business with the Saudi
royal family. He is also a partner in Baker Botts, a
Houston law firm whose client list includes Halliburton, the
US construction giant with highly lucrative
contracts already won in Iraq. Baker Botts has an office
in Riyadh, the Saudi capital, and a strategic alliance
with another firm in the United Arab Emirates, and it
deploys Baker's name and past government service on its website
to solicit Middle East business.
It would appear
inappropriate, therefore, for Baker to remain attached
to these businesses, whose clients and potential future
clients could be affected by the decisions made about
Iraq's official debt. If the administration needs a
political reason for doing the right thing, it need only
look at the deep suspicion raised about the Iraqi
construction contracts doled out to Halliburton, a
company that was run by Dick Cheney before he became
vice president.
Of all the countries excluded
from bidding, Russia ultimately may have the most at
stake because it wants to develop the oil-rich West
Qurna fields in Iraq. These contain some of the largest
deposits in the world, and Saddam Hussein in 1997
awarded LukOil, Russia's second-largest oil producer, a
contract to develop them and drill for oil. Saddam's
government canceled the contract in February, just
before the war. LukOil insists that the contract is
still valid.
Earlier this year, LukOil's
president Vagit Alekperov said that he was "grateful" to
Russian President Vladimir Putin for bringing up its
Iraq concessions at high-level meetings with Bush.
Mikhail Mikhailov, a spokesman for LukOil, which owns
the rights to the concession, said that the deal was
"not affected" by the Pentagon's decision to bar
"non-allies", and that "a contract was signed between
LukOil and the government of Iraq". He continued: "It
exists, it is legitimate, and no one is trying to annul
it. War often complicates these things."
Another
Russian
company, GAZ, an auto maker, said that it had
already begun shipping 5,000 Volga passenger cars to
Iraq for Baghdad's taxi fleet under a 2001 contract. "In
principle, it's not a huge amount," said GAZ's
spokesman, Sergei Lugovoy, noting that the contract
represented less than 10 percent of GAZ's annual Volga
production. "But all the same, Iraq will be one of the
strongest export markets."
How can Baker subdue
all this resentment without committing to lift the ban
on certain countries' participation in bidding for Iraq
reconstruction contracts? The world is watching this
"mission impossible" with interest.
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