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BOOK REVIEW
The case for withdrawal
Exiting Iraq: Why the US Must End the Military Occupation and Renew the War against al-Qaeda by Christopher Preble

Reviewed by David Isenberg

Cutting and running is bad. One should stay the course. Unless one is chief civil administrator in Iraq L Paul Bremer, of course, in which case one can hop on a jet plane two days ahead of schedule and start negotiating a book deal.

Nevertheless, despite the enormity of America's political failure in Iraq, just about everyone says that the US military forces, approximately 140,000 at present, must stay to provide security and ensure stability. Even liberals who should know better buy into this argument. For example, the Washington, DC-based Center for American Progress, founded by former Bill Clinton administration officials, issued a paper on June 28 recommending increasing the troop level of the multinational force to improve security.

Well, almost everyone that is. Enter the Cato Institute, a Washington, DC think-tank which advocates libertarian policies. On June 30 it published the book Exiting Iraq: Why the US Must End the Military Occupation and Renew the War against al-Qaeda. The book, the product of a special task force of 10 foreign policy experts, calls for the expeditious withdrawal of all US forces from Iraq. This process, they argue, should begin now that the new Iraqi government has taken power, and end no later than January 31 next year, the time of nationwide elections.

According to task force director Chris Preble, director of foreign policy studies at the institute, the invasion of Iraq has been bad for America. "We're worse off in two senses: We've weakened ourselves militarily and by diverting resources." He noted, "Neo-cons love to quote Teddy Roosevelt's famous saying about carrying a big stick, but always manage to neglect mentioning the first part of it, which is to speak softly."

The point of the book is straightforward. A long-term military presence in Iraq undermines the very goals that the US hopes to achieve there. "It emboldens anti-American terrorists to expand their operations, both against the forces in the neighborhood and ultimately on American soil. And the presence of an American military garrison in Iraq weakens the forces of democratic reform by undermining an indigenous government's authority and credibility."

According to the book, the US requires only three things of the new Iraq. Do not threaten the US; do not harbor anti-American terrorists; and do not develop weapons of mass destruction. If you don't everything is fine. If you do, then the US will be back. Or, as the book puts it, "We're out, and we are not responsible for your security. But we'll be watching you."

While the second requirement might seem overtaken by current events, the book notes that Iraq is serving as a model recruiting ground for radical Islam and global jihad. It notes that "[Osama] bin Laden's struggle against the United States now resonated with tens of millions of Muslims. The danger posed by such resonance increases as the American occupation of Iraq continues and images of humiliation and oppression are broadcast around the globe."

Task force member Charles Pena, director of defense policy at Cato, said, "Iraq has weakened America in the world. We're significantly worse off - radical Islam has spread."

No matter how one parses it, the costs for continued US military occupation are high. An analysis released June 25 by the US Congressional Budget Office estimated the costs of military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and other operations associated with the global "war on terrorism" in three different scenarios.

In the most costly scenario, current force levels would be maintained in Iraq and other locations through 2006. After that force levels would gradually decline to about 69,000 personnel by fiscal year 2010. The budget required would total about US$392 billion over the 2005-2014 period.

In the next-most costly scenario, the occupation force in Iraq would increase to 190,000 service members for the 2005-2006 period and then decline so that all US forces would be removed from Iraq by 2009.

According to Pena, "Short of a large scale occupation we can't fix what is broken, whether it was by Saddam or the US."

Given that the Bush administration some time ago substituted establishing democracy as the new rationale for invading Iraq, once it was clear there were no nuclear, biological or chemical weapons to be found, the book is succinct on what can be expected on that score. "The prospects for creating a liberal democracy in Iraq are bleak; the ambitious goal of creating even a stable illiberal government certainly cannot be achieved in the near term." In fact, such an effort "could foster the very type of political situation that the United States was aiming to avert by going into Iraq in the first place; namely, the creation of a hostile, unstable, Islamist government in the heart of the Middle East."

To the book's authors, an American withdrawal would be a boon for conducting anti-terror operations against al-Qaeda and similar groups. They note it would allow the US to refocus its military and intelligence assets on the fight against terrorists who seek to murder Americans.

The book observes that a continued occupation of Iraq will further stress an already shaken military force. For example, the issuing of stop-loss orders last November to prevent military personnel from leaving the service when their enlistments run out means that thousands of men and women won't be able to leave until the spring of 2005 at the earliest. About 40,000 had their enlistments extended against their will for some period of time in 2003. According to Pentagon officials, as many as 19,000 troops were coved by such orders when figures were released in April 2004.

Exiting Iraq: Why the US Must End the Military Occupation and Renew the War against al-Qaedaby Christopher Preble. Publication Date: June 2004, ISBN: 1-930865-64-3, price: $15.00, 96 pages.

David Isenberg, a senior analyst with the Washington-based British American Security Information Council (BASIC), has a wide background in arms control and national security issues. The views expressed are his own.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


Jul 3, 2004




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