Different peas in an Iraqi
pod By Ashish Kumar Sen
WASHINGTON -
Humanitarian aid groups blame the Pentagon for "blurring
the lines" between their staff and US-led coalition
troops, which has resulted in an unprecedented number of
aid workers being targeted by terrorists in Iraq.
The kidnapping and presumed execution of
Margaret Hassan, CARE International's director of
operations in Iraq, and the decision of the aid
organization to close down its offices in the country
has prompted other humanitarian groups to rethink their
presence in the region.
On November 4, Doctors
Without Borders closed its operations in Iraq. "It has
become impossible for MSF [Medecins Sans
Frontieres/Doctors Without Borders] as an organization
to guarantee an acceptable level of security for our
staff, be they foreign or Iraqi," said Gorik Ooms,
general director of organization in Belgium.
UN
secretary general Kofi Annan's deputy special
representative in Baghdad, Ross Mountain, says the
fragile security situation has compelled the three-dozen
UN workers in Baghdad to "adapt our approach
dramatically".
"In the past, UN humanitarian
groups have operated without armed guards - wrapping
ourselves in the people's goodwill and our blue flags,
and providing all the assistance the people need,"
Mountain said in a telephone interview with Asia Times
Online. "But Iraq has become a very different theater of
operations."
"Those that are targeting aid
organizations are people who are not particularly
interested in the welfare of the Iraqi population," he
said. "They are interested in scoring political points.
And we are very soft targets. When you blow up 20-odd UN
staff it is easier than going after a military target,
and it obviously has an impact."
Sergio Vieira
de Mello, the UN's top envoy in Iraq, was among dozens
killed when the world body's Baghdad headquarters were
bombed August 19, 2003.
Mark Bartolini, regional
director, Middle East and Asia, at the International
Rescue Committee, blames coalition troops' involvement
in humanitarian work for "blurring of the lines between
soldiers and aid workers which makes it difficult [for
aid groups operating in Iraq]."
Many in the
humanitarian aid community echo this complaint. Oliver
Burch, Iraq program manager at London-based Christian
Aid, said it's "very important for there to be a clear
line between what the military is doing - particularly
if large parts of the population regards it as
belligerent - and humanitarian groups. The latter should
be seen as neutral."
On January 20, 2003, under
the direction of President George W Bush, the US Defense
Department set up the Office of Reconstruction and
Humanitarian Assistance (ORHA). ORHA was charged with
establishing links with the UN's specialized agencies
and with non-governmental organizations that would play
a role in post-war Iraq.
The office gave way to
the now-defunct Coalition Provisional Authority, and
since the authority's disbandment in June when it handed
power to Iraq's interim government, the Iraq Project and
Contracting Office (PCO) has been responsible for
implementing nearly US$12.4 billion of the $18.44
billion in the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund
approved by US Congress.
PCO reports to the US
Defense Department on matters relating to program
management and contracting, and to the Iraq
Reconstruction Management Office at the US State
Department on matters relating to priorities and
requirements.
John Procter, spokesman for the
PCO, said the office takes "proper security steps to
ensure both our personnel and project sites are well
protected".
"Our contractors have stuck their
necks out and are operating in a very challenging
environment. They have stepped up to the plate and have
done a great job," he said.
PCO works with
partners in Iraq, of which the largest is the US Army
Corps of Engineers, which oversees the electrical and
oil sectors. Procter declined to speculate on whether
the involvement of troops in these projects made them
and other humanitarian groups targets for terrorists.
Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Yoswa, US army defense
spokesman, said, "We do provide a large amount of
humanitarian relief in Iraq and we do help in
reconstruction efforts." He added this role was not
unusual for "our corps of engineers and civil affairs
units that have provided assistance in different
countries - parts of South America and Bosnia and
Kosovo, we also did it in World War 2."
US
Agency for International Development (USAID) is working
with Iraq's interim government to help Iraqis
reconstruct their country. USAID programs are
implemented in coordination with the UN, World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund, coalition partners, NGOs
and private sector partners. A USAID spokeswoman said
"the security of our staff and our partners is our
utmost priority".
Dr Frederick Burkle was a key
health planner with USAID in Iraq, where he served for
three months following the US-led invasion in March
2003. A medical officer with the Office of US Foreign
Disaster Assistance he was one of the first senior US
health officials to enter Baghdad and southern Iraq.
At present working at the Center for
International Emergency, Disaster and Refugee Studies at
the Johns Hopkins University Medical Institutions,
Burkle says armed forces should be "prevented from
dominating humanitarian assistance".
Traditionally there has been a distinction
between the military and the non-military domains. In
recent history, however, military forces have become
increasingly involved in operations other than war,
including provision of relief and services to the local
population. "We have a situation where the Iraqi
population is totally confused. They cannot distinguish
between foreign forces and foreign aid workers," Burch
said in a phone interview.
Aid workers in Iraq
tend to keep a low profile and go about their business
in inconspicuous vehicles. "This is not how we operate
in Sudan, Congo, Burundi. This is not to say aid workers
have not been killed before. There have been numerous
efforts - but there has not been a concerted campaign,"
said Mountain.
In 2003, Burkle's vehicle was
ambushed three times in a single day on the streets of
Baghdad. "The NGOs will tell you that wearing protective
gear brings attention and aligns you to the coalition,"
he said. "But it doesn't make any difference who you are
now."
Oliver Phillips, UNICEF communications
officer in New York City, says the experience of a lot
of the people who have been kidnapped "shows that no
matter how many steps you take there are no cast iron
guarantees that you are safe".
Pentagon
officials cite the "changing dynamics" of the enemy.
"We're not fighting an Iraqi government, we're fighting
insurgents and dead-enders and criminals who aren't
following the standard rules of engagement," a defense
source said. "Insurgents create a hostile environment on
the ground and NGOs aren't comfortable staying there,"
the source added.
According to UN guidelines,
humanitarian action must be conducted separately and
clearly distinguished from military-led relief
operations. At the same time, practical realities on the
ground have necessitated various forms of civil-military
coordination for humanitarian operations. The UN has
instructed its staff that the use of military or armed
protection for humanitarian agencies is "an extreme
precautionary measure" that should be taken only in
exceptional circumstances.
Foreign aid agencies
in Iraq have replaced a major portion of their
expatriate staff with local Iraqis. Groups like
Christian Aid have partnered with local NGOs. While
instances of foreigners being kidnapped get prominent
coverage in the media, groups working in Iraq say most
of the people who have been killed, injured and abducted
are Iraqis. "You have to question whether these issues
have limited humanitarian work. And the answer is yes,
of course," said Burkle. "Yet some of it goes on by
brave people."
Ashish Kumar Sen is a
Washington DC-based journalist.
(Copyright
2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please
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