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    Middle East
     May 21, 2005
Answering the call for jihad
By Ilhem Rachidi

RABAT - Abu Usama al-Maghribi was a self-made jihadi. The owner of a fancy restaurant in Tangiers, in the north of Morocco, the 26-year-old left his country and wandered on his way to jihad until he was asked by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi's al-Tawhid wal-Jihad organization to launch the second attack on the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad in September 2003.

In a published letter, his accomplice described Maghribi as having the "highest degree of martyrdom" for fully organizing his mission, and even paying for the car used in the suicide attack, which killed an Iraqi policeman and wounded 12 people.

"He went out soul and money, did not come back with any, and that is the highest degree of martyrdom," the accomplice said.

Al-Tawhid wal-Jihad has widely publicized its attacks in Iraq on the Internet, displaying heroic profiles of foreign militants, most of whom come from Saudi Arabia, but dozens of North Africans have enrolled in the insurgency. Even before the fall of Baghdad, Moroccan, Algerian, Tunisian as well as Libyan youngsters volunteered to fight in what they saw as a new land for jihad.

Mimoun Belhaj and Abdelhay Assias, two suspected Moroccan combatants arrested last February by Syrian authorities allegedly on their way to Iraq to join the Zarqawi network, have been sent for trial to Morocco.

In neighboring Mauritania, several recruits have reportedly left for Iraq. Last week, authorities claimed the al-Qaeda-linked Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) had trained Mauritanian jihadis at camps in Algeria and Mali, potentially to enroll in the insurgency in Iraq. They also accused al-Qaeda of financing mosques as well as religious leaders.

While the Iraqi conflict may seem distant from a geographical and local political viewpoint, the eagerness of some to answer Zarqawi's call for jihad is hardly surprising in a region where anti-US sentiment has increased since the war on Iraq. In a tense international context, many simply see Zarqawi's followers as "martyrs".

"They have faith," says a Moroccan traditionalist political figure who supports the participation of foreign youngsters in the resistance against US occupying forces. "They are doing their jihad. They'd rather die than live under Zionist occupation."

"The conflict in Iraq is important because they have a chance to fight the evil USA directly," argues Michael Taarnby Jensen, a Danish researcher who works on extremism. "There are many other jihads - Kashmir, Chechnya, that they could have gone to. If you look at the propaganda of Zarqawi, these mujahideen really believe that they are fighting for the freedom of every Muslim in the world."

The recent upsurge in violence in Iraq, mostly blamed on the insurgency, has left hundreds of civilians dead in only a few days. According to a former Iraqi diplomat, too many Iraqi civilians have paid the price for the involvement of foreigners in the ongoing conflict.

The former Iraqi consul in Morocco, Farid Alhashamy, is strongly opposed to the ones generally called "Arab fighters" - a "minority" in the Iraqi resistance, he believes. "They are not working to free Iraq," he says. "They are against Islam. They are killing civilians, journalists, innocent people." Alhashamy insists on the distinction between what he describes as a well-organized and strictly Iraqi resistance and al-Qaeda-linked groups. "The machine of US information makes all the resistance look like the same branch," he says.

Wyaal Kaaib, an Iraqi who has lived in Morocco for seven years and currently runs a business with Alhashamy, shares a somewhat similar point of view. "The target is the Americans. This is jihad for the liberation of Iraq, but if they go to bomb themselves in crowded markets, they are terrorists."

The candidates for jihad have dramatically diverse social, economic and cultural backgrounds, yet they unite in their radical interpretation of Islam, and most of all, their conviction that it is their duty to fight against the invasion of Iraq by "infidels".

"Some of these young men grow up with the perception that they are at war with Western society by virtue of their race and religion alone," says Evan Kohlmann, a Washington-based terrorism consultant and author of Al-Qaeda's Jihad in Europe.

As early as 1996, European jihadis of North African origin joined al-Qaeda's training camps in Afghanistan, transiting through the renowned "Algerian house" in Peshawar, Pakistan, the main recruiting network for terrorists coming from Europe. Well-known terrorists like Algerian Ahmed Ressam, who was arrested in 1999 at the US-Canadian border for planning terrorist attacks on US soil for the new millennium, later had a major role in planning large-scale attacks. Zacarias Moussaoui, a Moroccan born and raised in France, went to Chechnya in 1996 and to Afghanistan in 1998 and 1999.

On April 22, Moussaoui pleaded guilty to all six counts of conspiracy to engage in terrorism. With the plea, Moussaoui became the first person to be convicted in a US court in connection with the terrorist attacks of  September 11.

Today, North African terrorists play a considerable part of the al-Qaeda orbit and are involved with groups throughout Western Europe, such as the GSPC and the Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group.

Some analysts see this predominance of North Africans as a mirror of immigration patterns in Western Europe, where Moroccans and Algerians represent the most important immigration community.

The difficulties they encounter in being absorbed into their welcoming countries is a major asset in the hands of recruiters. Most of the time, their interaction with European society has led them to adopt radical religious practices. "Islam became a way to defend themselves against a society they didn't like or didn't understand," explains Taarnby.

Earlier this month, the French daily newspaper Le Figaro reported that six people suspected of jihad in Iraq had been arrested in Paris and Marseilles, including Said al-Maghribi, a Moroccan militant known for years by security officials.

According to French authorities, out of 12 known fighters, at least three died in Iraq. Tarek Ouinis, 24, was killed September in the Sunni triangle northwest of Baghdad, and his long-standing friend, Abdel Halim Badjoudj, 19, drove a car packed with explosives on the road to the Baghdad airport a month later, wounding two Iraqi policemen and two US soldiers. Redouane el-Hakim, 19, died during a US bombardment of insurgents in Fallujah last July. The sons of Tunisian immigrants, he and his brother Boubaker were part of an Islamic fundamentalist organization linked to the mosque of Levallois-Perret, later closed by French authorities.

In neighboring Germany, authorities arrested six men suspected of belonging to a recruiting network. A few months later, two North African cells suspected of ties with Ansar al-Islam were dismantled in Italy.

European authorities believe the recruiting network is not highly structured, but the recent discovery of recruiting cells in France as well as in Italy, Spain and Germany has emerged as another wake-up call. According to Kohlmann, while recruits leaving from North Africa are "individual volunteers", the ones enrolled in Europe are usually under the lead of clerics operating in a sleeper network.

"Because they are more organized and deliberate in this process than their ethnic brethren in North Africa, they are also more dangerous," says Kohlmann. "As transnational terrorists with potential access to European passports, they represent a much greater security threat at home than they do in Iraq."

(Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing.)


Tightening al-Qaeda's European grip
(Feb 19, '05)

Taming terror in Algeria
(Sep 22, '04)

Morocco struggles with Wahhabi legacy
(Apr 16, '04)
 

 
 

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