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    Middle East
     Jun 15, 2005
Rude awakening for Iran
A Special Correspondent

TEHERAN - The string of explosions that rocked Teheran, the southern city of Ahwaz and two other Iranian cities on Sunday and Monday, has sharpened Iranian-Arab relations, raised the possibility that Iran is being targeted by a covert operations campaign and threatened to put Iran on a collision course with its Persian Gulf Arab neighbors, just days before presidential elections on Friday.

In the worst violence to hit Iran in over a decade, four bomb blasts struck government buildings in the capital of the oil-rich Ahwaz province near the border with Iraq, killing 10 people and wounding at least 86. They were followed a few hours later by two small bombs in central Teheran that killed two more and wounded four. The bombing campaign continued on Monday as three more bombs exploded in Iran's southeastern town of Zahedan and the clerical city of Qom - the seat of Iran's clerical theocracy - with no injuries reported.

A spokesman for Iran's security services immediately blamed supporters of ousted Iraqi president Saddam Hussein for the attacks, accusing "groups that were close to Iraq's Ba'ath Party and Saddam Hussein and are now based in Arab countries".

"The terrorists of Ahvaz infiltrated Iran from the region of Basra [in Iraq]," Ali Agha Mohammadi, a spokesman for Iran's top security-related body, the Higher National Security Council, told the AFP news agency. "These terrorists have been trained under the umbrella of the Americans in Iraq," he charged, and added that Iran suspected there were links between British troops across the border and the London-based Ahvaz Arab People's Democratic-Popular Front.

Several people were killed in April when riots surged through Iran's ethnic Arab province of Khuzestan, which locals refer to as Arabestan. Protests centered on fears that Iran's government was planning to ethnically dilute the province by injecting Persian settlers. At the time, suspicions were voiced that Saudi-funded agents were behind the violence. The event demonstrated that Iran's multicultural milieu is also a weakness that can expose it to foreign meddling.

Intelligence Minister Ali Yunesi said the bombers were based outside of Iran, but refrained from identifying specific countries. "We have proof of a link between these people outside Iran and some intelligence services in the world," Yunesi was quoted as saying by the official Islamic Republic News Agency.

Whether Sunday's violence was orchestrated by pro-Saddam elements or militant Islamic Sunni Arab foreign fighters remains unclear. Sunni fundamentalists have declared war on Iraq's Shi'ite majority population and targeted them through a bombing campaign targeting mosques and other public spaces.

Although officially denied, another scenario points the finger of blame to the exiled opposition group Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK), currently based in Iraq. The Marxist organization was responsible for a horrific string of terrorist attacks in the early years after the revolution of 1979 that killed a veritable who's who of Iran's political leadership. They have largely been neutralized in recent years, to the extent that the Iranian government allowed some former members to be repatriated earlier this year.

"This could be a joint operation between the MEK and former Iraqi intelligence agents aimed at sabotaging the elections," said Kayhan Barzagar, a scholar at Tehran's Center for Scientific Research and Middle East Strategic Studies. "In Teheran, it's only the MEK who have the operational power to launch something like this."

A spillover of Sunni-Shi'ite tensions from Iraq to Iran would mark a dangerous regional escalation. Arab Sunni insurgents have chafed at Iran's perceived close links with the Iraqi Shi'ite majority government currently in power in Baghdad and apparently seek to provoke civil war through a campaign of assassinations, bombings and intimidation.

"Many bombings inside Iraq are clearly aimed at dividing Sunni from Shi'ites, so why not commit acts across the border to divide Persian from Arab - especially following April's Arab-related tensions in Ahwaz?" asked Wayne White, a former analyst at the US State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research.

The immediate signs are that the bombings may have had the effect of intimidating some Iranians from voting in this Friday's presidential elections. Tehran considers participation in these elections almost as important as their result, due to the expectation that Washington will equate poor turnout with an Iranian vote of no confidence in their government.

"I'm not going to vote, I'm afraid of another explosion," said Ahmad Ali Yacoub, a 36-year-old government employee in Ahwaz. "I think Friday will be a very dangerous day."

Election front-runner Hashemi Rafsanjani and majlis (parliament) Speaker Gholamali Haddad Adel accused the perpetrators of seeking to harm public participation. "On the contrary, experience of the past 27 years has proved that every time people feel the threat, they display greater resolve to contribute to national or political issues."

A European Union diplomat in Teheran told Asia Times Online there is little concern on the part of the international community regarding the conduct of the elections. "Ahwaz is an area that occasionally has problems, but is too far away from the center of power to affect political stability. Since they did not attack an electoral office or a candidate's center, we can't even term what happened an attack on the elections."

So who did it?
Scenario 1: Iraqi Sunnis strike Iran
Iranian officials immediately pointed the finger of blame at pro-Ba'athist groups that they claimed infiltrated Iran from neighboring Iraq. The bombings came five months after elections in Iraq brought a majority Shi'ite, pro-Iranian government to power and as controversy rages in Iraq over the role played by the Badr Brigade, an Iranian-trained and funded Shi'ite militia that has been accused by Sunni leaders of killing their followers, including clerics.

Some Sunni leaders in Iraq have accused Shi'ite Iran of meddling in Iraqi affairs by backing Shi'ite Muslim clergy and politicians in a bid to convert Iraq into an Islamic republic. Iranian officials have strenuously rejected these charges, saying that Iran's model could never be replicated in a country that has as many religious factions and minorities as Iraq.

Another theory suggests that the exiled Iranian opposition group MEK collaborated with members of Saddam's intelligence apparatus in orchestrating the bombings. Analysts who spoke to Asia Times Online discounted MEK involvement in this attack, arguing that the organization's access to Iran had been severely curtailed.

"They have been thoroughly infiltrated and are currently boxed up in Camp Ashraf, in Iraq, incapable of launching something along these lines," said one Iranian analyst. The MEK has denied its involvement.

Scenario 2: Al-Qaeda's revenge on Iran
The possibility that the Iraqi wing of al-Qaeda might have carried out its first strike inside Iran has been floated by some analysts, who note Iran's increasing policy shift in Afghanistan and Iraq - al-Qaeda's primary strongholds - toward a more pro-Western line.

Iran's Revolutionary Guard established contact with the US Army during the Washington-backed campaign against the Taliban regime. They are said to still conduct consultations with the US over maintaining security in Afghanistan and Iraq - something that must clearly have aggravated the al-Qaeda leadership.

An al-Qaeda fingerprint would go some way toward discounting allegations by the George W Bush administration that Teheran is coordinating some of its policies with Osama bin Laden's organization.

An Iranian analyst for a Western embassy suggested that al-Qaeda was upset over Iran's pro-Western policy shift toward Iraq and Afghanistan and had been looking for a sensitive time to embarrass the Shi'ite regime in Tehran.

Al-Qaeda have been known to seek to sway elections, most notably in Spain last year, when a massive train bombing killed 200 people and led in part to Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar - who had supported the invasion of Iran - being voted out of office in March 2004. More recently, bin Laden underwent an image makeover when he addressed American voters shortly before the US presidential elections in November last year.

Scenario 3: Hardliners play hardball
Iran's hardliners are concerned at the disarray endemic in their camp at a time when reformist candidate Mostafa Moin appears increasingly likely to claim the second place in Friday's elections and force a second round run-off with favorite Rafsanjani.

The domestic scenario argues that the bombings have been orchestrated by hardline regime elements anxious to see one of the four former Revolutionary Guards' candidates - Mohsen Rezai, Mohammad Baqir Qalibaf, Mohammad Ahmad Nejad and Ali Larijani - win the election and follow more security-oriented policies.

"There is a school of thought that argues we should espouse the Turkish and Pakistani models," an Iranian analyst told the Asia Times Online, "where a strong military supervises the civilian government."

The current presidential elections have been the most dominated by the military yet in the history of the Islamic Republic, with more ex-army candidates running than at any time previously. Hardliners believe one of the four candidates with Revolutionary Guard backgrounds will be better qualified to safeguard the country than civilian leaders such as outgoing president Mohammad Khatami or Rafsanjani. They also appear to be gaining in prominence at the expense of the clergy, who are increasingly seen as a spent force not in tune with Iranian society.

Scenario 4: Gulf Arab meddling
Two months after ethnic unrest rocked Khuzestan, the series of bombings - already claimed by three Arab irredentist groups - could be the work of agents funded by Gulf Arab states with politically significant Shi'ite minorities who take no pleasure in seeing the expansion of Iran-backed Shi'ite influence in the region.

Allegations that Saudi-backed agents are meddling in Khuzestan surfaced two months ago in the aftermath of the ethnic Arab riots. While Arab agents have been carrying out a "Sunnification" program in Shi'ite neighborhoods of Baghdad such as Qadhimmieh, the latest developments could mark an attempt by Riyadh to extend its reach into Iran. Such efforts would be a reply to alleged former attempts by Teheran to export the Shi'ite revolution to Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Yemen.

Attempts to convert Khuzestanis by Saudi Arabian-funded agents appear to be paying off, although on a small scale. "You have people who have been Shi'ite for 200 years who are converting to Sunnism," one well-connected Iranian consultant for an international organization told Asia Times Online. "Everyone is more or less aware of that.

"In Qom, the clerics know that there is a campaign going on and that it is having some positive results for the Saudis, but I don't know whether they're thinking of taking measures to fight it."

A failure to address local grievances over the economically deflated state of the province could allow conservative Persian Gulf governments to seize a foothold in the region. Already worried over the prospect of a Shi'ite arc developing that stretches from Teheran to Baghdad, Damascus and Beirut, Saudi Arabia and the conservative Sunni sheikhdoms around it are consulting with Washington on how best to contain Iran.

Conclusion
Unless continued, the bombings are unlikely to destabilize the country, but have contributed to a considerable increase in pre-election tension. The string of attacks erupted just days before Iranians go to the polls and a few days before the release of an International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) report on Iran's nuclear program that is expected to criticize the country for its handling of its nuclear affairs.

The IAEA's negative report is expected to touch off another round of accusations by Washington, heightening Washington-Teheran tensions and giving ammunition to regime hardliners eager to see a security-oriented, former member of the military come to power.

(Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing.)


US looms large in Iran's elections
(Jun 11, '05)

Iranian exile group strikes back
(Jun 8, '05)

Limited options for Iran's voters
(Jun 7, '05)

The one-man Rafsanjani show
(May 28, '05)


Stirring the ethnic pot  (Apr 29, '05)

 
 



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