ARBIL - Viewed from Kurdistan, Iraq is a
recurring nightmare that most want to
forget.
To state that Kurdish history as
part of the Iraqi experiment has been colorful is
a huge understatement. For the 6 million or so
Kurds residing mainly in the mountainous regions
of northern Iraq, their lives have been commonly
tainted with tales of uprisings, systematic
repression, forced deportation and suffering.
Finally free from the totalitarian grip of
Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath regime, the Kurds for the
first time in 1991, thanks largely to the
establishment of a US-sponsored safe haven -
enforced by daily air patrols in the three
northern-most Iraqi provinces - have flourished
economically, socially and politically with
relative freedom and stability.
Ever-grateful for the US liberation,
soldiers are hugged and given warm receptions and
not targeted in this part of the country. Ghomma
Mustafa, a prisoner for nearly nine years, showed
typical enthusiasm for the US
liberation: "Thanks to the US, now the whole of
Kurdistan is free and we are grateful. Right now,
without the US presence in Iraq, it would
collapse."
The problem in this part of the
world, a far cry from the terrorist-ridden and
volatile south and central areas, is that people
do not feel a part of Iraq, or even want to be
associated with any of its traditional customs. In
this part of the country, it is the Kurdistan flag
and not the Iraqi flag that is ubiquitous. Even
the crossing at the Haber border gate between Iraq
and Turkey suggest that one is entering a separate
country, and not Iraq.
For the Kurds, they
have fought with their blood and lives to live
this day, and they are determined to not settle
for anything less than what they feel they deserve
- now federalism, as proposed in the draft
constitution submitted to parliament this week,
perhaps later full autonomy, even independence.
Arabs are viewed with such suspicion that
any agreement on the future blueprint of Iraq
needs to be cast in solid guarantees to dampen
Kurdish fears. The common feeling here is why
should they succumb once again to Arab-dominated
rule and second-class citizenship: under Saddam
Hussein, the Kurds came in for particularly brutal
treatment.
According to Mossein
Masjid-Abudllah, a local intelligence advisor,
"The Arab exiles have gone back on their
pre-liberation agreement. People talk of a future
Iraq based on a voluntary union, but still they
think and look at us as second class. I want Arabs
and Kurds to have separate identities."
The independent-minded view of the Kurds
was visible in an unofficial referendum that was
held side-by-side with the Iraqi national
elections in January - an overwhelming majority of
the population voted yes to secession.
Boom times The districts of
Arbil and Sulaimanyia in particular have
experienced an unparalleled economic boom, with
skyscrapers and new projects dotting the
landscape. The price of land has increased
dramatically and foreign investors, scared by the
terrorist and bloodshed of other parts of the
country are flocking to the relative stability of
the Kurdish north.
New technology, two
mobile networks, Internet cafes and a host of
other services are now commonplace. Even Arabs
have come to appreciate and benefit from the
prosperity, with daily buses taking young Arab
workers keen to earn money to the major cities
looking for unskilled labor. Some Arab families
are even settling in the area.
Ibrahim
Muhammed Tahir, a mechanic, is one of those
seeking a better life in the north. "Here I feel
free and at least have a job. With daily bombings
and kidnappings, I was living in too much fear."
However, the rags-to-riches success story
of the north is perhaps where the heart of the
Iraqi problem lies. The fear among Kurds is that
in the future Iraq, although free from the
dictatorial grasp of Saddam, they may actually end
up with less than they enjoyed before.
Didar Salah Saddiq, a computer
administrator, echoed typical pessimism. "Who's to
say they [Arabs] will not be worse than Saddam? I
don't need a constitution or a change in my
current circumstances."
On paper, Iraq is,
and will remain, a united sovereign country, but
in reality it has been split into two for well
over 14 years. The Kurds have their own parliament
and Peshermga military force, which maintains
order and security, and now two new airports and
even an airline company, Kurdistan Airlines.
Maintaining this situation is the minimum
requirement. In addition, Kurds want the return of
other Kurdish-dominant lands, especially oil-rich
Kirkuk. "My red lines are simple, the return of
Kirkuk and all Kurdish lands," proclaimed Hiresh
Noureddin, a local worker.
This is not to
say that the Kurds feel that a prosperous plural,
democratic and federal Iraq is unimaginable. It is
more the case that they realize that many years of
healing will be required before they can trust any
government and become equal partners in
Iraq.
According to regional police
commander Hamza Saddaq Kakallah: "A solid union
based on trust will take many years. I think it
would be great if Arabs could visit these lands
and appreciate the scenery and culture and vice
versa, without fear."
Although the new
generation has never experienced Iraqi Arab rule,
and more commonly adopt English as their second
language, they have been strongly reminded by the
older and somewhat-wiser generation, which has
been mentally scarred by the destruction of homes,
the loss of loved ones or the chemical gassing of
their towns. Many a home that one visits carries
portraits of lost loved ones on the wall to serve
as a daily reminder.
The bottom line is
that no matter to what extent the new constitution
and the Iraqi government benefits the Kurds, the
Kurdish question will not be put to rest all too
easily. The Kurds are fiercely proud that their
millennia-old heritage, culture and language have
never diminished, despite decades of ethnic
cleansing and attempts at subjugation.
"We
are Kurds and have our own identity. This is not
easy to give up and we cannot change to something
we are not," said Najia Yassin, a college student.
Further, the Iraqi Kurdish question is
just a piece in the greater Kurdish puzzle that
spans the region, especially Turkey, which is dead
against Iraq's Kurds gaining too much autonomy
(and certainly not independence) least its own
Kurdish minority get ideas. Already, there has
been increased Kurdish unrest in Turkey, Syria and
Iran, owing much to the prominence of the Iraqi
Kurds.
Many people in Kurdish Iraq say
that independence is their basic right, which they
have been forcibly denied. For the people of this
area, anything short of independence is a step
toward compromise. Mention Iraq as Arabic and
faces squint. Fly the Iraqi flag and people will
view you with caution and suspicion. Speak Arabic
and many a head will turn. "I don't see why I have
to learn Arabic, when they don't learn Kurdish, or
fly the Iraqi flag. It would be to say that Saddam
is still in power," proclaimed Meriwan Ghazi, a
student.
For now, in the highly charged
and volatile political and security climate, Kurds
and Arabs will keep their distance. One cannot
foresee Iraqi troops being sent to Kurdistan, and
it is even more unlikely that laws will be passed
in Baghdad that are deemed against Kurdish
interests.
Kurds are watching vigilantly
as their politicians in Baghdad strive to deliver.
Anything short of public expectations and the
regional government can expect a severe backlash
from the public. The huge number of colorful and
passionate demonstrations in recent weeks is
testimony to this threat.
It is appearing
ever more likely that in Iraq, in all but name,
two separate countries will exist.
Bashdar Ismaeel is a London-
based freelance writer who also holds first-class
bachelor of science degree honors. The focus of
his work is primarily on Iraq, the Kurds and
Middle Eastern current affairs. He can be
contacted at bashdar@hotmail.com.
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