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    Middle East
     Feb 10, 2006
United states - minus United States
By Ehsan Ahrari

For a while after the US invasion of Iraq, it appeared that the idea of "the West" and "Western unity" had become history. But now that idea seems to be reviving precipitously.

It is interesting that the ostensible departure of that idea looked real when a Muslim country was invaded in 2003. Now Western unity is seemingly resurgent in the aftermath of the defiance by another Muslim country (Iran) of the United States (or is the West?) and at a time when Muslims are showing their outrage related to the caricature of the Prophet of Islam. In both instances, Islam has played a perceptible role. Are we about to



see the emergence of a great divide, a major schism, between the world of Islam and the West? If so, how permanent is this divide likely to be?

If the history of the Cold War teaches us anything, it is that a conflict of a major proportion and of an enduring nature is a precondition for nation-states to determine on which side of that conflict they want to be. They study the conflict over a period of time, determine how that conflict affects their vital interests, and then evolve their related position. That was what happened between 1945 and 1991. Whether the community of nations now will follow a similar pattern is not quite clear yet.

Islam has already emerged as a major issue that has captured the world's attention, especially for the past five years. As the lone superpower, and as a nation that was targeted by global terrorists on September 11, 2001, the United States got on the offensive against a fanatical government in Afghanistan soon thereafter. Since all the hijackers on September 11 were Muslims, there were a number of legal measures taken inside the US that were perceived in Muslim countries as anti-Islamic in nature. However, the US government, more than any other government in the world, went out of its way to insist that the focus of its outrage was not Islam, but those elements that are determined to perpetrate global chaos and mayhem in the name of that great religion.

Then came the US invasion of Iraq. It is the manner in which the decision was made to invade that country - and the fact that no weapons of mass destruction were found - that intensified Muslim anger. Clearly there was also ample resentment related to what Muslims perceived as "unjust" concomitant public discussions in the United States linking Islam with global terrorism. Then came disclosures of brutal treatment of Iraqi prisoners in the Abu Ghraib prison and that of the "detainees" in the Guantanamo prison. Even though the Bush administration claimed that reports of brutality related to those dungeons were exaggerated, the allegations themselves were seen in Muslim countries simply as more "evidence" of America's ongoing "war" against Islam.

Viewing the conflict from the US side, there is no reason to dismiss the Bush administration's position that it has no fight against Islam. The September 11 attacks legitimately frightened the US leadership, even though its machismo prevented it from saying so. The United States had to react. How much of that reaction was legitimate and at what point one could say the US went over the top was largely a matter of debate. No one can rightly claim to be objective about the issue. If you were a Muslim, you would feel that your religion was unjustifiably targeted, or the US went too far in Afghanistan and Iraq. However, if you are not, there was no such thing as overreaction. After all, the United States was attacked first - it could not have sat back and waited for another attack. By the same token, it could not have taken limited actions against those who deemed killing Americans as some sort of "religious obligation".

Europe was not a part of that fight until al-Qaeda targeted Spain in March 2004, as a tactical maneuver to force it to pull its forces out of Iraq. The fact that the Spanish government withdrew its troops soon thereafter did not persuade that organization not try to push all of Europe toward appeasement. In fact, until the terrorist attacks in Spain, the European perspective was that al-Qaeda's major fight was with the US, and Europe would, somehow, be spared.

As Europe remained schizophrenic about its own position and ambivalent about its role in George W Bush's "global war on terrorism", some of its members showed solidarity by committing troops in Iraq. Only France and Germany remained as major critics and consistent opponents of that "war of choice".

The London bombings of July 7, 2005, marked a point when Europe could no longer remain ambivalent about its role in the "war against terrorism". When the video of one of the terrorists in those bombings was released showing him declaring war against European countries, the die was cast. Europe could no longer remain on the sidelines. But Europe's participation in this war became idiosyncratic of its perception of Islam, a perception that has deep historical roots.

Regarding the "global war on terrorism", there is a major difference between the United States and Europe. Americans do not have long memories of interacting with Islam or colonizing Muslim countries. Besides, in the United States, "political correctness" is more than a bumper-sticker statement. Intuitively speaking, a large number of people are genuine practitioners of not offending anyone's faith in the name of freedom of expression. Thus a majority of Americans are at least intellectually capable of making the distinction between the perverse terrorist logic of relating their action to Islam and the religion of Islam itself.

In contrast, Europe - where anti-Islamic feelings related to the Ottoman conquests between the 12th and 16th centuries never really vanished - has shown little evidence of really comprehending that distinction. Besides, Europe was a region that produced the most nefarious evidence of anti-Semitism in the form of creating the Holocaust. Europe is also a region - if one includes Russia as an extension of it - that has the legacy of creating gulags, another depressing legacy of human suffering. In other words, Europe has historically demonstrated that, given a chance, it is capable of manifesting worse examples of hatred. Europe is also busy constantly raising the bar regarding the entry of Turkey in the European Union, largely because it is a Muslim country. That type of legacy is substantially absent from US history.

In this context, it seems that Europe is only beginning to show that it is capable of demonstrating anti-Islamic tendencies in the name of freedom of expression (eg, the cartoon episodes of the Nordic countries). The London Guardian reported on February 6 that the same Danish paper that published the caricatures of the Prophet of Islam - claiming to exercise freedom of expression - refused to publish (and rightly so) similar cartoons of Jesus three years ago for fear of offending Christians. If it decided to be circumspect then by not publishing those cartoons, why did it apply a different rule in the case of offending Muslims? At the same time, some European countries can stifle freedom of choice by conveniently passing laws against hijab, Islam's female dress code (eg, France for now, but there are reports that European countries are also considering the passage of similar laws), when it suits their purpose.

Iran's nuclear aspirations have to be viewed in the same context and from the European perspective: an Islamist government creating a fiction of not developing nuclear weapons while, in reality, that is where it is heading if it is allowed to continue its uranium-enrichment programs. The involvement of the EU-3 countries (the United Kingdom, France and Germany) has made that conflict very central to the EU's future role in resolving global issues. At least that is a general perception in a number of the European capitals. In this instance, Islam is also a player, at least in the minds of the Europeans.

So it seems that a great divide is emerging between "the West" and the East. The West seems to be uniting on issues related to Islam. It is too early to surmise how long this divide is likely to last. It might not last long at all. One thing appears certain, however. As the lone superpower - since it is determined to ensure the longevity of the present unipolar order - the United States is likely to work hard to close this divide. In the case of Iran, it has wisely let the EU-3 countries play a visible role in negotiating with Iran, thereby allowing diplomacy to proceed. At the same time, it has wisely decided to create a physical distance from Europe in the caricature-related controversy. It declared them as "offensive", but also has also supported the related exercise of freedom of expression.

The Europeans might not know this, but the United States would not want the "return" of the "West" that would sow seeds of intense resentment and hatred toward that very idea in the world of Islam. The US has most to lose, not the Europeans.

Ehsan Ahrari is a CEO of Strategic Paradigms, an Alexandria, Virginia-based defense consultancy. He can be reached at eahrari@cox.net or stratparadigms@yahoo.com. His columns appear regularly in Asia Times Online. His website: www.ehsanahrari.com.

(Copyright 2006 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing .)


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