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    Middle East
     Jan 3, 2007
Page 4 of 4
Iran and the US: An unbreachable divide

By Mahan Abedin

cornerstone of Iran's unique system of Islamic government. While Ahmadinejad and his supporters have suffered a setback in the recent elections for the Assembly of Experts (a body tasked with electing and - in the event of poor performance - dismissing the supreme leader), this is unlikely to affect their long-term planning on this issue.

On the external front, Ahmadinejad and his neo-Islamist allies want to align Iran with the growing Islamic movement in the region



and beyond. From their perspective, Iran has an abiding stake in the future of peaceful Islamic movements as opposed to the perpetuation of autocratic Arab regimes.

Moreover, they believe the Islamic Republic has the heritage, ideological infrastructure and resources to play a leadership role in this Islamization process. This puts them at odds with conservative leaders like Rafsanjani and the liberal reformists who wish to maintain Iran's detente with the autocratic and failing regimes of the region. Ahmadinejad's outspoken anti-Israeli rhetoric is designed simultaneously to embarrass and isolate conventional wisdom in the Islamic Republic and motivate Islamist forces the world over.

This neo-Islamist discourse in Iran is perhaps the last nail in the coffin of Iranian-US rapprochement. Indeed, the two sides have never been so divided in the past 27 years. This is more so because even the most astute American observers consistently fail to understand what is really happening in Iran. Henry Kissinger got it all wrong in the summer when he wrote: "A modern, strong, peaceful Iran could become a pillar of stability and progress in the region. This cannot happen unless Iran's leaders decide whether they are representing a cause or a nation." [2]

Leaving aside the intricate question of what kind of political system can best marshal Iran's resources in the international arena, the Islamic Republic has never seen a fundamental dilemma between nation and ideology. Iranian Islamists have universally accepted the nation-state framework and, unlike Arab Islamists, they have rarely (if ever) talked of idealistic and impossibly elusive concepts such as a "caliphate".

Instead, Iranian leaders see Islamic movements that are modeled, or at the very least influenced, by the Islamic Revolution as the key to the "modern, strong and peaceful" region that Kissinger talks about. Ahmadinejad wants to align the Islamic Republic ever closer to the Islamic opposition in the Middle East and beyond, even if that sparks confrontation with Arab regimes. This will inevitably deepen the divide with the US.

A hopeless situation
Given this state of affairs, it is very difficult to see under what circumstances the current US administration would even consider implementing the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group that relate to dialogue with Iran. The animosity between Iran and the US is without parallel in the modern world and is also arguably the most dangerous friction point in international relations.

While there are enough wisdom and self-restraint on both sides to prevent this Cold War from escalating into a military conflict (at least for the foreseeable future), there is nothing that gives hope to resolving the impasse. It is an intractable historical, ideological and geopolitical conflict that is deeply woven into the psyches of the protagonists. It may take another generation before the deep freeze begins to thaw.

Notes
[1] Jaryaneh ertejayee mantaghe nemeetavand ghodrateh Iran ra bepazirad ("The reactionary tendency in the region cannot accept Iran's power"), Baztab.
[2] Henry A Kissinger, The next steps with Iran, Washington Post, July 31, 2006.

(This article first appeared in SaudiDebate.com. Published with permission.)

(Copyright 2007 SaudiDebate.com.)

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