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    Middle East
     Jan 9, 2007
Page 1 of 2
Iran and the crisis of disarmament
By Kaveh L Afrasiabi

The brewing Iran nuclear crisis has simultaneously served notice to the global community on a related crisis that is often ignored or underestimated by the pundits in the US media: the crisis of disarmament.

Ex-secretary of state Henry Kissinger, former US senator Sam Nunn and the former chief of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Hans Blix, are among the rising chorus of voices expressing concerns about the deleterious consequences of lack



of disarmament with regard to "proliferation" threats.

As a cornerstone of the non-proliferation regime, disarmament is a mandatory obligation of the five nuclear-weapons states who wield veto power at the United Nations Security Council. Yet other than paper commitments, there is no disarmament in existence today and no genuine reliance on its principles and obligations. Instead, compromised by ad hoc positions and flimsy rationalizations, disarmament is in a state of total disarray.

A glance at the United States' "new nuclear posture" reflected in various national-security reports by the administration of President George W Bush makes clear why. Briefly, the US has been stressing the essential role of nuclear weapons as an effective tool for achieving security ends and foreign-policy objectives, developing new nuclear-weapon systems and constructing new facilities for producing such weapons.

It is also resuming efforts to develop and deploy tactical nuclear weapons, despite the commitment to reverse this process and effectively reduce them; targeting non-nuclear-weapon state parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and planning to attack those states.

Moreover, the US has unilaterally withdrawn from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, recognized by the international community as the cornerstone of global strategic stability, thus creating a strategic and security gap within the overall global nuclear posture with grave and long-term consequences for the whole world.

Unfortunately, the United States' nuclear policies and doctrines are emulated by France and the United Kingdom, whose leaderships have opted for nuclear-weapons "modernization" instead of disarmament. Same with Russia, which, like other nuclear haves of the Security Council, regards its nuclear arsenal as a key barometer of its global prestige and clout.

China is the only permanent member of the UN Security Council that does not subscribe to the dangerous doctrine of nuclear first use and, on a doctrinal level, has a purely defensive purpose for its nuclear arsenal.

No wonder, then, that a feeble attempts at the UN to put disarmament on the agenda of reform failed in 2005-06 - a "disgrace", as aptly put by the past secretary general, Kofi Annan, who lamented the UN's failure to implement the nuclear recommendations of a high-level group on UN reform.

Yet in light of the Security Council's recent initiatives vis-a-vis North Korea and Iran, the stage is now potentially set for a new, invigorated approach on disarmament that would compel the big powers to heed their NPT obligations and revise their dangerous nuclear doctrines and policies. The fact is that the two poles of disarmament and non-proliferation have espoused opposing forces, and each force by its own activity encourages the other.

Blix had this precisely in mind when, in the aftermath of British Prime Minister Tony Blair's recent fateful decision to upgrade his country's nuclear-armed submarines, he warned that this could prompt would-be proliferators such as Iran to set aside their misgivings and go nuclear.

Not to be deterred by such warnings, both Blair and French President Jacques Chirac have bluntly linked their nuclear-proliferation policies to threats from "rogue states" and "international terrorism", making thinly veiled allusions to Iran.

But this raises curious questions: Given the stateless nature of international terrorism, how is Western nuclear deterrence supposed to operate against terrorists, and what possible scenario for such deterrence can be fathomed? Moreover, doesn't the deliberate policy of demonizing certain countries as "rogue" and potential targets of nuclear retaliation in fact spur those

Continued 1 2 


Iran faces up to sanctions (Jan 3, '07)

Russia softens stance on Iran 'smart' sanctions (Dec 15, '06)

 
 



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