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    Middle East
     Feb 8, 2007
Page 2 of 3
Bombs away over Baghdad

By Nick Turse

large role in the fighting, they do remind us that the minimal figures given out by CENTAF don't give an accurate picture of the air war in Iraq. These particular totals are, according CENTAF, "separate from the data provided" to Tomdispatch on Iraqi bomb and missile expenditure in 2006.

'Relentless pursuit'
Since the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the US air war in that country, often targeting urban areas, has been given remarkably short shrift



in the media. In 2004, Tom Engelhardt, writing at Tomdispatch, called attention to this glaring absence (see Icarus (armed with vipers) over Iraq, Asia Times Online, December 8, 2004). Seymour Hersh's seminal piece of reportage, "Up in the air", published in The New Yorker in late 2005, ushered in some mainstream attention to the subject.

Articles by Dahr Jamail, an independent journalist who covered the US occupation and war in Iraq, before and after the Hersh piece, are among the smattering of pieces that have offered glimpses of the air campaign and its impact. To date, however, the mainstream US media have not, to use the words of Lieutenant-Colonel Kennedy, engaged in a "relentless pursuit of the number of cannon rounds" fired or any other aspect of the air war or its consequences for the people of Iraq.

While we will undoubtedly never know the full extent of the human costs of the US air campaign, just a few dogged reporters assigned to the air-power beat might, at the very least, have offered some sense of this one-sided air war. Since this has not been the case, we must rely on the best available evidence.

One valuable source is a national cross-sectional cluster sample survey of mortality in Iraq since the 2003 invasion. Carried out by epidemiologists at Johns Hopkins University's Bloomberg School of Public Health and Iraqi physicians organized through Mustansiriya University in Baghdad, it estimated 655,000 "excess Iraqi deaths as a consequence of the war". The study, published in the British medical journal The Lancet last October, found that from March 2003 to June 2006, 13% of violent deaths in Iraq were caused by coalition air strikes. If the 655,000 figure, including more than 601,000 violent deaths, is anywhere close to accurate - and the study offered a possible range of civilian deaths that ran from 392,979 to 942,636 - this would equal about 78,133 Iraqis killed by bombs, missiles, rockets or cannon rounds from coalition aircraft between March 2003 when the invasion of Iraq began and last June when the study concluded.

There are indications that the US air war has taken an especially grievous toll on Iraqi children. According to statistics provided to Tomdispatch by The Lancet study's authors, 50% of all violent deaths of Iraqi children under 15 years of age, between March 2003 and June 2006, were due to coalition air strikes.

The Lancet study used well-established survey methods, which have been proved in conflict zones from Kosovo to Congo, and interviewers actually inspected death certificates from 92% of the households surveyed where they were requested (which they did 87% of the time). The Iraq Body Count Project, a group of researchers based in the United Kingdom who maintain a public database of Iraqi civilian deaths resulting from the war, carefully restricts itself to the sparser media reports of civilian fatalities that come out of Iraq. While a much lower number (currently the range of media-reported deaths stands at 55,441-61,133) than the The Lancet's findings, an analysis of the UK project's carefully limited data also offers a glimpse of the human costs of the air war.

Statistics provided to Tomdispatch by the Iraq Body Count Project show that since the US invasion in 2003, coalition air strikes have, according to media sources alone - which as we know have covered the air war poorly - caused between 15,593 and 17,067 Iraqi civilian casualties, including 3,625-4,093 deaths. Last year, media reports listed between 169 and 200 Iraqis killed and 111-112 injured in 28 separate coalition air strikes, according to the IBC Project.

These numbers also appear to be on the rise. In an e-mail message to Tomdispatch last month, John Sloboda, the co-founder and spokesperson for the IBC Project, noted that the "vast majority [of lethal air strikes] have been in the last half of the year".

When asked about the modest air-power casualty figures provided by the Iraq Body Count Project and whether CENTAF accepts them, Lieutenant-Colonel Kennedy dodged the question, telling Tomdispatch, "We do not track such numbers and so cannot comment on the project's efforts or validity." He had a similar answer when it came to The Lancet study's findings.

Asked about the assertion that the second half of 2006 was much deadlier for Iraqis because of US air strikes and the possible reasons for this, Kennedy waxed eloquent: "War by its very nature has ebbs and flows, and we constantly review the application of air power to best support the forces on the ground in theater. We view this as simply part of our contract to the war fighters. As we do not discuss operational aspects of missions, I'll decline further comment."

Kennedy went on to say that the US makes "every effort" to "minimize collateral damage regardless of whether the enemy is on open ground or within the confines of a city". Just days ago, in the Los Angeles Times, Lieutenant-General Carrol H "Howie" Chandler, the USAF's deputy chief of staff for operations, plans and requirements, expanded on this line of thought, noting, "I wouldn't automatically write off air power in an urban environment for fear of collateral damage ... We have the capability with precision targeting and the new weapons to operate in an urban environment."

Sarah Sewall, who served as US deputy assistant secretary of defense from 1993 to 1996 and is now director for the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard University, agreed that air power has a role to play in urban operations, and may even mitigate civilian harm in certain instances. She warned, however, "I have a lot of skepticism about the applicability of air power for all types of problems and particularly for the types of problems that we see commonly, on a day-to-day basis, in Iraq today." She told Tomdispatch, "The problem comes when you think it is the functional equivalent of ground forces."

The pace quickens
In 2005, CENTAF reported using 404 bombs and missiles in Iraq. In 2006, an apparent lull (whether in lethal attacks or just in their reporting) in the first half of the year seems to have given way to a rise in deadly attacks during the second half.

Only days into 2007, the US military had already conducted air strikes in three nations - Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. And in

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