Editor's
note: Ahmad Chalabi [1] is either a
consequential figure of opaque, backstage talents,
or he has an uncanny ability to the ride the
momentum of enormously consequential events -
placing himself at the right place, at the right
time, among the right people to his overwhelming
benefit. Chalabi was recently given an important
new position in Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's
government in Iraq, now tasked to build or
maintain support for the ramped-up security regime
by ensuring that Iraqi people are compensated for
any damage or fallout resulting from more
aggressive security.
Chalabi speaks to National Interest online
editor Ximena Ortiz.
National
Interest online: Some have called you a
polarizing figure, one that has strong
associations with certain parties, such
as Iran, the Iraqi Shi'ite and, once upon a time,
American neo-conservatives and Bush administration
officials. You are now in a position geared
towards fostering broad support, across all
religious and ethnic groups, for ramped-up
security in Iraq, especially Baghdad. To what
degree will your efforts now be consumed with
overcoming others' preconceptions regarding your
sympathies and associations?
Ahmad
Chalabi: The description you give of
polarization and various associations - that is a
concept that exists in the media in the United
States and elsewhere in the Arab world. However,
this is certainly not the case in Iraq. People do
not perceive barriers in this way, and it is not
even a subject for discussion at the popular
level. It is a non-issue in Iraq, basically.
The point is that people here need to see
that they are supported, that their fear of the
future - the lack of security, the lack of
services, that both those issues are addressed.
NIo: You have recently
returned from a trip to Syria, on behalf of the
Maliki government. To what degree can Iraq find
accommodation with both Syria and Iran,
independent of what the United States may or may
not do vis-a-vis those countries? And could the
regional players, including also Saudi Arabia and
Turkey, potentially cooperate in terms of
moderating sectarian tensions and preventing the
flow of weapons and fighters into Iraq, should the
United States not play a major, or even minor,
role in such talks?
AC: [On
Tuesday] the United States announced that [it is]
going to participate in meetings with Iran and
Syria in Baghdad in the second week of March.
NIo: Right, but US officials
have been very circumspect about what the
significance of that is. They've said they will
participate, but they've been asked directly
whether they will play a role in negotiating with
both Iran and Syria, and they've not wanted to
specify. Do you have a sense of whether they will
be willing to be an active participant, or is it
your view, and are you hearing, that US officials
will be more or less spectators there?
AC: US officials without
question represent the strongest force, both
politically and military, in Iraq. Therefore, it
is not serious to pursue their role as spectators.
They will have a significant role to play, and I
believe that by the mere factor of being present
in the same conference room as the Syrians and the
Iranians at this level in Baghdad is very
significant. I mean, after all, we tried very hard
to get this meeting going last year, almost one
year ago. It almost happened then. But then it was
foiled at the last minute. One year later, they
are back to the same situation, except now it is a
multilateral thing - with the US and Iran to sit
in the same conference room.
NIo:
So do you think that this represents an
evolution in Washington's foreign-policy thinking,
the fact that they are willing to be present?
AC: Clearly. They have
established that confrontation with Iran is
counterproductive and will complicate the path of
the Iraqi government in establishing security in
the country.
NIo: Do you
feel that these regional players could reach an
accommodation among themselves, regardless of what
the US role ends up being?
AC: The answer is yes. Syria
and Iran can play a very significant role in
establishing civil peace in Iraq. It is now
established that the Syrians have influence among
the armed groups in the west, and Iran has
influence among the armed groups in Baghdad and
the south. And they can play in a moderating role
with those people. I believe that the countries
that are of significance in Iraq now - and that
can help the government establish civil peace in
the country - are Syria, Turkey, Iran, Saudi
Arabia.
And I believe that there is a
possibility that the Turkish prime minister [Recep
Tayyip Erdogan] will visit Baghdad in the next two
weeks. So Turkey is now interested in playing a
role. The Sunni community of Saudi Arabia is now
playing a role. They are trying to establish
contacts with communities in Iraq. And I think
that these new developments will help the
establishment of peace in the country. I think
everybody saw the stupidity of making Iraq the
battleground between countries who have quarrels
outside Iraq.
NIo: You are
perceived as having a more distant relationship
from the US government than you've had in the
past. Do you believe that distancing, or perceived
distancing, helps to bolster your credibility
among the Iraqis?
AC: Well,
the answer is this: due to the major press
campaign that was done in the US to give me a
leading, a major, role in getting the US to come
here and overthrow Saddam [Hussein], Iraqis are
happy, because most Iraqis are happy that Saddam
is gone.
However, my position since I've
been to Iraq, even before I got here, has been: I
have an Iraqi agenda; I do what is best for Iraq.
And I have disagreements with the US, I have had
disagreements with the [former] CPA [Coalition
Provisional Authority], with ambassador [L Paul]
Bremer, with secretary [of state Colin] Powell
about sovereignty for Iraq. I stood up for Iraqis
against the use of massive force towards Iraqi
communities in Najaf, in Fallujah. So this has of
course helped me clear the perception that some
had that I represent just US interests.
NIo: In your new capacity,
could you effectively function as an interlocutor
with some of the leaders of Shi'ite sectarian
groups in Iraq, such as Muqtada al-Sadr? And would
such an ability allow you, do you think, to
convince the sectarian leaders of armed groups to
refrain both from retaliating against, or
initiating, attacks on the Sunni?
AC: You notice that
there has been very little activity by the
Sadrists in the past six weeks, despite major
provocation with bomb attacks and assassinations,
kidnappings, that have
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