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    Middle East
     Jul 28, 2007
Page 4 of 4
DISPATCHES FROM AMERICA
Iraq withdrawal follies
By Tom Engelh

actual plan to withdraw. All real options for ending the war were invariably linked to phrases - some of which still ring bells - like "cutting and running", or "dishonor", or "surrender", or "humiliation", and so were dismissed within the councils of government more or less before being raised (just as they are dismissed out of hand today by the Washington Consensus and



in articles like that of Time's Duffy). If anything, in the later years, "withdrawal" became - as it is now threatening to become in Iraq - a way to maintain, or even intensify, the war while pacifying the American public.

"Withdrawal" then involved not departure, but all sorts of departure-like maneuvers and promises - from bombing pauses that led to fiercer bombing campaigns to negotiation offers never meant to be taken up to a "Vietnamization" plan in which most (but hardly all) US ground troops would finally be pulled out but only as the air war was intensified - a distinct, if grim, possibility for Iraq's American future. Each gesture of withdrawal allowed the war planners to fight a little longer. And yet, with every failed withdrawal gesture and every failed battle strategy (as may be the case in Iraq as well), a sense of "nightmare" seemed to draw ever closer.

Opting for the present
We have now entered a period in the Iraq war in which stark alternatives are being presented to Americans that hardly wear out the possibilities the future offers. At the same time, Americans are being told of withdrawal "plans" that hold little hope of fully withdrawing US troops from Iraq.

As Duffy frames the matter: after a reasonable withdrawal, the US might have 50,000-100,000 troops still dug in "to protect America's most vital interests" for an undefined "longer stay". This would be not so much "to referee a civil war, as US forces are doing now, but to try to keep it from expanding". AP's Hanley, however, suggests that, after a future drawdown, the numbers are likely to remain just what they were for administration planners "since before 2003" - 30,000 US troops.

In what passes for a "debate" about withdrawal in the mainstream, two positions are in essence offered: US troops in some numbers will remain for an undefined period of years to preserve some kind of "stability" and "security" for the Iraqi populace and some cover for the Iraqi government, or those troops will be withdrawn precipitously and a whole series of horrors, ranging from a bloodbath of unknown proportions to the establishment of the beginnings of Osama bin Laden's "caliphate", are likely to occur.

In this vision of the future, at least one major alternative possibility (of which there are undoubtedly many, some not yet imagined by any of us) is completely ignored: US troops remain for the long term (however drawn down and dug in) and, as has been the case over the past four-plus years, the situation continues to deteriorate. The military solution that General Petraeus and his commanders are relying on has yet to create anything other than instability, mayhem, and death. So, what if it turned out that the long-term maintenance of some form of US occupation was, in fact, not protection from, but the very path to an unimaginable sectarian bloodbath (as has been the case so far)?

The history of the past four years should tell us that this scenario is far more plausible than either of the alternatives now being presented. In fact, these years seem to offer a simple, if ignored, lesson: the Iraqis would have been better off had the US never invaded; or if, after toppling Saddam Hussein, the US had departed almost immediately; or if the US had left in the autumn of 2003 - and so on for all these dismal, ever more disastrous years.

The fact is that we humans are generally lousy seers (and, when it comes to prediction, President Bush, the top officials of his administration, and his commanders have proved themselves especially poor at predicting the future). It's time to set the future - and so fiction, fantasy, and speculation - aside. At the heart of the withdrawal debate in the US should lie an obvious set of truths. As a start, no matter how continually we war-game the future, it will never be ours. We will always be surprised.

While bad things did happen in Vietnam after America's departure, none of them could have been called a "bloodbath", while the bloodbath that was US presence there did indeed end. Vietnam is now, of course, a peaceful US ally in the region.

In Iraq, with America's departure, there could indeed be a near-genocidal civil war, a partition of the country into three or 33 parts, and even a brutal regional war - or there could not. In fact, any of these things - as the present threatened Turkish invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan reminds us - could happen while US troops remain in residence. All this aside, deaths in Iraq are already approaching staggering levels without America's departure. After all, if the Lancet study's estimate of 655,000 "excess deaths" by mid-2006 is accurate, then imagine what that number must be an even bloodier year later.

We don't know what the future holds. We do know what the present holds and that we could do something about.

The full-scale withdrawal of US troops from Iraq is an option that should, at least, be accorded serious attention, rather than automatic dismissal in the mainstream. Of course, a lot of this depends on whether you believe, in the end, that the United States is part of the problem or part of the solution in Iraq.

In the imperial mindscape of Washington, it is impossible to conceive of the US as not part of the solution to almost any problem on the planet. But what if, in Iraq, that can't be so as long as the US remains in occupation of the country? Then, perhaps it would be worth opting for the present and taking a gamble on the unknown, rather than banking on Rumsfeld's endless "known knowns". Perhaps it's time to bring not only the word, but the idea of withdrawal in from the cold.

Tom Engelhardt is editor of Tomdispatch and the author of The End of Victory Culture. His novel, The Last Days of Publishing, has recently come out in paperback. Most recently, he is the author of Mission Unaccomplished: Tomdispatch Interviews with American Iconoclasts and Dissenters (Nation Books), the first collection of Tomdispatch interviews.

(Copyright 2007 Tomdispatch. Used by permission.)

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