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    Middle East
     Aug 7, 2007
Page 1 of 2
Iran faces challenges from within
By Chris Zambelis

Iran continues to face international pressure over its nuclear program and heightening tensions with the United States regarding its role in Iraq and Afghanistan. A pillar of US strategy in the Middle East after the fall of the shah in 1979 has been to check Iranian power in the Persian Gulf region and Eurasia through a policy of strategic encirclement.

US support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s is widely perceived as the first salvo in this plan. Fearing Iran's territorial



ambitions and the spread of its revolutionary Islamism, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies followed the US lead by helping to finance Iraq's war effort.

Meanwhile, the US built a formidable presence in Arab Gulf states in the form of bases and security pacts. In addition to the robust US military footprint in Iraq and Afghanistan and the deployment of aircraft-carrier battle groups in the Gulf, Iran is flanked on its frontiers by pro-US Azerbaijan, major non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization US ally Pakistan, and NATO member Turkey. A nuclear-armed Israel is also perceived as a threat in Iran.

Another factor contributes to Iran's anxiety about US strategy in the Middle East. Tehran is convinced that the United States and other foreign powers are actively exploiting Iran's diverse ethnic and sectarian society by supporting violent secessionist and insurgent movements - including terrorist groups - in an effort to destabilize the government.

The domestic threat
Iran believes that a marked increase in domestic unrest orchestrated from abroad will precede any US attack. Indeed, Tehran attributes the steady rise in incidents of violence and terrorism across the country by ethnic Baloch, Arab and Kurdish minority rebel groups and signs of growing ethnic Azeri and Turkmen dissent to foreign meddling in its internal affairs by US and other foreign intelligence services. Iranian security forces are currently engaged in low-intensity counterinsurgency operations across the country against an array of nationalist and terrorist groups.

In principle, the United States supports political opposition groups seeking an end to clerical rule. Some US proponents of an attack against Iran have gone as far as to call for enlisting the People's Mujahideen of Iran, also known as Mujahideen-e-Khalq (MEK) - a bizarre militant group cited by the US Department of State as a foreign terrorist organization whose ideology combines a mix of leftist and Islamist discourse with a fanatical cult-like veneration for its leaders - as an armed proxy in a future invasion.

Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq provided MEK with arms, training and bases on Iraqi soil, such as Camp Ashraf near the Iraq-Iran border. MEK units were disarmed and remain under the watch of US-led forces. Tehran, nevertheless, worries that they may still be mobilized to serve as a proxy ground force in a future confrontation with the US. Although not an ethnic or sectarian-based movement, MEK is affiliated with the National Council of Resistance of Iran, an umbrella organization of anti-regime movements based in Iran and the diaspora that include ethnic and sectarian minority-led groups agitating for an end to the Shi'ite Islamist regime.

Given this background, Tehran has cause for concern, as US planners are likely to use the threat of aiding active insurgent groups as an effective lever over Iran, especially as a response to allegations of passive and direct Iranian support for insurgents in Iraq and, more recently, Afghanistan. Iran, however, has long been plagued by domestic instability and tensions rooted in minority grievances due to what is widely viewed as a failure or refusal by the ethnic-Persian-dominated Shi'ite Islamist regime to integrate minority communities into the fabric of society.

This includes respect for minority rights and the preservation of unique cultural identities. Ethnic Kurds, Balochs, Arabs, Azeris and Turkmens in Iran also share ethnic, linguistic and cultural links with their kin in neighboring states such as Iraq, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. This leaves them susceptible to the influence of social and political currents outside of Iran, especially nationalism.

The shifting geopolitical landscape in the Middle East after the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, which propelled traditionally oppressed communities such as Shi'ite Arabs and Kurds to unprecedented positions of power and influence in that country, has also emboldened Iranian minorities to agitate for greater cultural rights and political representation.

The debate over the proposed federalization of Iraq along ethnic and sectarian lines is inspiring similar calls in Iran and from a sophisticated network of activist groups advocating on behalf of Iranian minorities from abroad. The Congress of Iranian Nationalities, an association of Iranian opposition groups based in the diaspora representing ethnic Kurds, Arabs, Azeris, Turkmens and Balochs, called for the federalization of Iran along ethnic lines in a joint manifesto issued in February 2005. [1] In other cases, armed rebel groups representing ethnic Kurdish, Baloch and Arab interests in Iran have taken up arms, while communities such as the Azeris and Turkmens have staged protests in an effort to assert themselves.

The demographic picture
Iran's Farsi-speaking, ethnic-Persian community comprises only a slim majority of the total population of an estimated 70 million, of whom nearly all are Shi'ites. Ethnic Azeris, who are estimated to number between 15 million and 20 million and are also Shi'ites, constitute the second-largest minority. Kurds represent the third-largest ethnic group, with a population between 4 million and 7 million, and are mostly Sunnis.

Balochs, the majority of whom are Sunnis, number between 1 million and 4 million. Arabs number between 1 million and 3 million and are predominantly Shi'ites. Turkmens number between 1 million and 2 million and are mostly Sunnis. Iran is also home to Gilakis, Mazandaranis, Bakhtiaris, Lurs and Qashqais, most of whom are Shi'ites, as well as Bahais, Zoroastrians, Armenian Christians and Jews. [2]

Violence and rebellion
Kurdish insurgents are among the most prolific militants operating in Iran. Most Iranian Kurds inhabit the mountainous northwestern region, where the borders of Turkey, Iraq and Iran meet, while smaller communities reside in Iran's northeastern region of Khorasan.

Like their kin elsewhere in the region, they face widespread discrimination by the Persian-dominated Shi'ite clerical regime. As Sunni Muslims with a proud sense of cultural and national identity, they do not identify with the Shi'ite Islamist regime and efforts by the state to suppress their culture and identity.

Iran's Kurdish regions have experienced growing violence in recent months between the Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan (PJAK), a 

Continued 1 2 


Iran feels the chill in US cold war tactics (Aug 3, '07)

Washington's befuddling line on Iran (Jul 27, '07)


1. China's primal scream

2. SCO is primed and ready to fire

3. Abbas staring at oblivion   

4. Maliki is out on his feet

5. Iraq bleeds US, enriches contractors

6. Iran feels the chill of cold war  

7. US has a lose-lose dilemma in Iraq

8. Nothing is scarier than the China scare

( Aug 3-5, 2007)

 
 



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