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2 Maliki seeks a lifeline in
Syria By Sami Moubayed
DAMASCUS - Iraqi Prime Minister
Nuri al-Maliki is scheduled to arrive in Damascus for
a two-day visit on Monday. This will be his first
visit to the Syrian capital - where he lived as a
refugee in the 1990s during the Saddam Hussein
years - since becoming prime minister in April
2006.
Maliki is due to meet with Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad, Prime Minister Mohammad
Naji Otari, Parliament Speaker Mahmud al-Abrash,
Vice President Farouk al-Shara and Foreign
Minister
Walid al-Moualem. They are to discuss security and
the political situation in Iraq.
Syria,
which was reluctant at first to welcome the Iraqi
leader, finally approved his visit, stressing that
talks must deal with reconciliation, fair and
balanced political representation of the Sunnis,
amending the de-Ba'athification laws and articles
in the Iraqi constitution that deal with
federalism - a concept that the Syrians curtly
refuse.
These were not conditions, the
Syrians stated, but points of discussion. Moualem
was quoted saying that his country "looks for
finer political, security and economic relations
with Iraq". The US has not commented on the visit,
but if it produces results, then this is good news
for the Bush White House.
After visiting
Tehran this month, Maliki was scrutinized by
President George W Bush, who said: "My message to
him is, when we catch you playing a
non-constructive role [with the Iranians], there
will be a price to pay." This was in reference to
Maliki's statement that Iran is playing a
"positive and constructive" role in "providing
security and fighting terrorism in Iraq".
Syria started to reconcile with the Maliki
regime in late 2006. This came shortly after
British prime minister Tony Blair sent an envoy to
Damascus, telling the Syrians that it was in the
international community's best interest that Syria
recognizes - and supports - Maliki and the
political system in Iraq.
Syria had tried
before - during the era of prime minister Ibrahim
al-Jaafari (Maliki's predecessor) - and invited
him to Damascus, but the visit was vetoed by the
US administration. The US, in 2003-06, had
blamed the Syrians for all of the worries in Iraq,
claiming that Syria was keeping lax security on
the border and helping - or turning a blind eye to
- insurgents crossing the border to fight the
Americans. Syria repeatedly denied the charges.
By 2006, and after the Iraqi Study Group
report in the US, it was clear to the US that the
violence was not produced, nor supported by, the
Syrians. Syria, however, could help control it.
Blair's envoy had been to Washington DC and met
with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who
seconded the British approach towards Syria. Syria
responded promptly. It sent Moualem to Baghdad,
where he received a red carpet welcome from
Maliki, and opened up an embassy in Iraq.
Shortly afterwards, it received Iraqi
President Jalal Talabani - another former resident
of Syria - for one week of talks in Damascus. It
then welcomed the Sunni leader Harith al-Dari,
followed by Interior Minister Jawad al-Boulani to
discuss security on the 605-kilometer Syrian-Iraqi
border.
There are millions of Iraqis,
mainly Sunnis, who do not trust either Maliki or
the political system of the post-Saddam era. It is
one thing for them when pro-American regimes
recognize this government, but completely
something else when this recognition comes from a
credible neighbor like Syria; a country still seen
in the eyes of millions as the only remaining
champion of Arab nationalism and anti-Americanism.
Syria actually helped legitimize Maliki in
the eyes of Iraqi skeptics. In March 2007, Syria
attended a security meeting in Iraq, then followed
up by attending the Sharm al-Sheikh summit in
Egypt, which resulted in the much-publicized
meeting between Moualem and Rice. The two
officials discussed Iraq.
Syria then
appointed two liaison officers, one for security,
and the other for the Iraqi community in Syria
(estimated at nearly 2 million), along with a "hot
line" between Syria and Iraq. It also agreed to
observation points on the Syrian-Iraqi border and
held a security meeting on Iraq in the Syrian
capital this August.
The Syrian position
is clear - and greatly resembles that of the US.
Both countries are opposed to the carving up of
Iraq. Both are opposed to civil war (the Syrians
more so even than the Americans because this
violence could "spill over" into Syria). And both
are opposed to sectarian violence,
de-Ba'athification as it stands, and the rule of
militias.
Syria preached realism, however,
claiming that there are limits to what it can do
with regard to the border. During the era of
Saddam, the former Iraqi leader used to send car
bombs to Syria in the 1980s and the Syrians were
unable to prevent that - even when their own
security was at stake. It takes two sides to
patrol the border, the Syrians say, and as long as
cooperation is minimal from the American side,
there is only so much Syria can do to monitor the
Iraqi border.
Maliki, who was a guest of
the Syrian government for many years, is expected
to pay back the Syrians. He is expected to show
the same degree of friendliness, warmth and
gratitude shown by Talabani, who since coming to
power has refused to criticize Syria or let his
country be used for anti-Syrian propaganda.
So far, Maliki has not done that. He has
repeatedly failed to deliver on any of the points
raised by the Syrians - mainly reconciliation with
the Sunnis, an end to militias and amendment of
the controversial de-Ba'athification laws.
Recently, Maliki even "froze" Iraqi
approval to restart the Kirkuk-Banias pipeline
(obviously under orders from the Americans)
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