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3 OPINION The case for pragmatic
idealism By James A Baker
The principles that guide American foreign
policy during the coming years will determine how
successful the United States will be as it
addresses the complex global challenges that
confront us. A foreign policy simply rooted in
values without a reasonable rationale of concrete
interests will not succeed. But our foreign policy
will also fail if it too narrowly focuses on the
national interest and disregards the role that
democratic ideals and human
rights play in establishing a
more secure world.
These truths will
confront the next president regardless of his or
her political party. He or she will face an
international environment in which the use or
misuse of American power in all its manifestations
- military, diplomatic and economic - will bear
decisively on our national security and on global
stability. The United States will likely remain
the pre-eminent global power for some time. But
how we wield that unparalleled capability will
determine exactly how long we remain at the front
of the international pack.
Despite
setbacks and doubts associated with the ongoing
Iraq war, the most significant phenomenon shaping
global affairs today remains the uniquely
pre-eminent position of the United States.
Compared with earlier superpowers - ancient Rome,
Napoleonic France and Britain just prior to World
War I - we possess far greater advantages over
potential rivals.
The United States is the
world's economic powerhouse. Our output represents
almost a quarter of the global gross domestic
product (GDP). Moreover, our performance over the
past two decades has significantly outpaced that
of our traditional competitors such as Japan and
the countries of western Europe. And, despite the
scandals that rocked corporate America earlier in
this decade, we remain at the forefront of
economic efficiency, innovation and
entrepreneurship. In the past decade, American
companies have created trillions of dollars in new
wealth by spearheading products that are driving
the information-technology revolution.
No
other advanced industrial power - and no rising
power - can match us in the military arena. The
defeat of the Taliban and the overthrow of Saddam
Hussein clearly demonstrate our unparalleled
ability to project decisive force across vast
distances. No other countries even begin to
approach this capability today, nor will they for
years - if not decades - to come. China's defense
buildup, for instance, is significant and bears
close watching. But Beijing is still far from
being able to challenge us in East Asia, much less
other critical regions like the Persian Gulf.
Moreover, despite concerns about America
"being alone", we still continue to exert immense
diplomatic influence in the global arena. The
United States enjoys strong and durable bilateral
relationships with a host of friendly countries -
including key European states, Japan and, more
recently, India. And we also play a leadership
role in international organizations such as the
United Nations, the International Monetary Fund,
the World Trade Organization and North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO).
Last but not
least, we represent an ideology - free-market
democracy - without a serious global rival.
Communism, our old international adversary, has
been swept into the dustbin of history. No other
ideology with a universal reach has risen to take
its place. Yes, Islamic fundamentalism is a potent
force. But, by definition, its appeal is limited
to countries with significant Muslim populations.
It is true that the model of free-market
democracy is clearly not triumphant everywhere.
But the trend over recent decades has unmistakably
been in the direction of democracy and free
markets - even in states that are still far from
achieving these goals. Today's China, however
authoritarian, is a far cry from the China of Mao
Zedong's Cultural Revolution. We need only compare
regions like eastern Europe and Latin America with
what they were a quarter century ago to appreciate
the broad, if imperfect and incomplete, trend
toward market democracy. This is true even with
the recent backsliding that we have witnessed,
say, in parts of South America.
In short,
today there is no country or group of countries
that can challenge our international pre-eminence
in economic, military or political terms. This may
change as countries like China and India acquire a
greater share of world GDP and loom larger on the
world stage. But for now and for decades to come,
the United States is and will be the major global
power.
American might, however, is not
limitless. The history of empires and great powers
from Rome onward provides an important lesson.
Power must be husbanded carefully. It is precious
and finite. Spreading it too thin can lead to
disaster. Choices still matter. We must be able to
differentiate between our preferences and our
priorities, between what is essential to preserve
US national security and what is only desirable.
Let me make myself clear: I am anything
but a "declinist" when it comes to the United
States. I reject gloomy predictions about our
national eclipse and am absolutely convinced that
our country's future is a bright one. But while
the United States may be the most powerful state
in history, we are not omnipotent.
So the
challenge confronting policymakers is how best to
use our power in ways that advance both our
interests and values while avoiding strategic
overreach.
This past February, I delivered
the fifth annual Kissinger Lecture on Foreign
Policy and International Relations at the Library
of Congress. I outlined 10 maxims for policymakers
in that address, and I would like to repeat them
here.
My first maxim is that the United
States must be comfortable with using its power.
Isolationism and disengagement are simply not
options. We are too integrated into the world, in
economic and security terms, to walk away from it.
If the United States does not exercise power,
others will.
Other countries continue to
depend on our leadership. This is most obvious
when we consider our allies in Western Europe,
East Asia and elsewhere. We need only think of our
critical role in facilitating NATO expansion and
the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear
program. Even countries that are sometimes
anything but friendly often seek our engagement.
This is especially true as we combat the scourges
of international terrorism and the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction (WMD).
But
we must recognize that even US power is limited -
my second maxim. The United States cannot be the
policeman for the world. After all, the exercise
of American power is constrained not least
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