NEW YORK - Despite opposition from some hardline factions in Iran, the
government of President Mahmud Ahmadinejad has responded positively to a
proposal by the United States that it open a US Interests Section in Tehran -
its first formal diplomatic presence since the 1979 Islamic revolution.
Hooshang Amirahmadi, who is currently visiting Iran and meeting with
high-ranking officials in Ahmadinejad's administration to discuss bilateral
relations, told Inter Press Service correspondent Omid Memarian by telephone
from Tehran that he has sensed a new willingness to seek a thaw between the two
countries.
"It is not true that they will not negotiate with [George W] Bush
and are waiting for [Senator Barack] Obama [to become president]," said
Amirahmadi, president of the American Iranian Council, a research and policy
think-tank devoted to improving dialogue and understanding between the peoples
of Iran and the United States. "This is not how Tehran is thinking and if they
receive a proposal from the Bush government tomorrow, they are willing to
consider it."
Amirahmadi also heads the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Rutgers
University, and is well known for his work to normalize US-Iran relations
during the period of Iran's pragmatic president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
(1988-1976) and reformist president Mohammad Khatami (1998-2005).
Because Amirahmadi is highly unpopular among radical conservatives, the
government has provided high security during his stay in Tehran that will end
this month.
Excerpts from the interview follow.
Inter Press Service: Why should the Iranian authorities agree to
the proposal for a US Interests Sections?
Hooshang Amirahmadi: It is no longer fashionable in Iran to say
we don't talk or negotiate with the US or that the US is our enemy. Such an
attitude does not exist in the country anymore. Ever since the topic of a US
Interests Section in Tehran has emerged, I notice a lot of excitement among
people. They feel like something is happening. They become happy when they hear
positive news about any improvement in Iran-US relations. They become deeply
sad when they hear about a war or alienation.
IPS: Is there a will among Iranian conservatives to extensively
discuss the concerns existing between the two countries?
HA: Ahmadinejad is not the most radical Iranian conservative. There are
others more radical and more conservative than him. Those groups may not be
interested in dialogue, but they are not in power at this time. They can only
complain, grumble, insult others, and accuse them. They can't, however, stop
this movement. In fact, the only group capable of pushing this idea forward is
in power.
IPS: You tried very hard to improve the relations between the US
and Iran during the Rafsanjani and Khatami presidencies. Considering the
animosity the Ahmadinejad cabinet seems to harbor toward both former
presidents, how is it that when you go to Tehran, you are well received and
asked to provide counsel?
HA: Times have changed. The Islamic republic is turning 30, and has
gained experience over the past three decades: the pragmatic management style
of Hashemi Rafsanjani after the Iran-Iraq War [in the 1980s], the reformist
movement, and now the conservatives in power. The regime has reached a point
now where the best thing for it to do is to return to the pragmatic style of
governance. They can see it is no longer possible to chant slogans and argue
and struggle with the rest of the world and the US.
IPS: How do you interpret the Iranians' political rhetoric and
their missile tests, Israel's military maneuvers, and US threats alongside
talks about a US Interests Section in Tehran?
HA: Normally, when two countries that have been in disputes and
disagreements for years are preparing to sit at a table to negotiate, they take
steps to show their strengths and power to each other. Neither of the two sides
would be willing to sit at the table when they feel weaker than the other. The
Iranian missile tests should only be evaluated in this light, not because Iran
wishes to act in a militarily offensive way or to threaten anyone.
IPS: Is the president personally aware of your trip?
HA: Definitely. He was questioned about what I am doing in Tehran and he
responded that he supports my presence in Tehran. They do their thing and I do
mine.
IPS: Considering the negotiations you had, what do you think the
next steps should be for Iranian conservatives?
HA: Two parallel movements might take shape. One is within the framework
of Five plus One ["Iran Six" - China, Russia, France, Britain, the United
States and Germany] where Iran has shown its willingness to negotiate. The US
will also join these negotiations. We hope these negotiations would start as
soon as possible, deciding the fate of uranium enrichment within a mutually
acceptable framework. The other movement is the US Interests Section that is
also a mutual activity. If they can reach an agreement with Iran to establish
an American Interests Section in Tehran, they will definitely reach an
agreement over the nuclear negotiations as well. If I were in the US's shoes, I
would make a formal, balanced and realistic proposal to Iranian authorities.
Such a move can create a better atmosphere for the 5+1 negotiations.
IPS: What do you think about Mr Ahmadinejad?
HA: Most people, especially the ones outside Iran, always see the empty
half of the glass. We might say that most of Mr Ahmadinejad's glass is empty -
this might be true, but the glass is not entirely empty. The innovative
approach Mr Ahmadinejad has adopted vis-a-vis Iran's relationship with the US
is a lot more serious than any actions others may have suggested.
IPS: Considering the contacts you have had with him and the
knowledge you are gaining through your recent trips, where do you think the
root of this problem lies?
HA: Mr Ahmadinejad has no knowledge about the economy and has a very
weak way of thinking about it. His staff couldn't convince him or they couldn't
take the right actions. In the end, the economy is Mr Ahmadinejad's Achilles'
heel and he hasn't performed well there. But he has done well with respect to
relations with the US and Iranians abroad.
IPS: What kind of politician is he?
HA: Despite what is being said about him, Mr Ahmadinejad is a very
intelligent man. He comprehends things very quickly, but his knowledge of world
affairs is somewhat limited. He has not performed on a national level. Though
he knows Iran very well, he doesn't have a good grasp of Iran's strategic
issues. On a macro level, he has advisers who are not very strong. On a small
township and village level, street smarts might work, but on a strategic level,
street smarts don't work. This is an area where a leader needs knowledge and
science and strategy but he didn't have good advisers in this area.
IPS: Does it make any difference to Iranian authorities who the
next US president will be?
HA: The issue of relations with Iran is not about the Republican or
Democratic parties. I believe they are even ready to reach agreement with Mr
Bush's outgoing cabinet over the next few months. [Although] usually the
incoming governments are more willing to negotiate than outgoing governments.
IPS: Do you believe that a military attack on Iran would
eliminate this opportunity?
HA: Iran regards the possibility of a military attack very seriously,
but Iran is not living in fear. I am in Tehran right now. People say there is a
probability - but it is more probable there won't be a war. They are worried
but their daily lives haven't been disrupted. Nobody is hoarding rice and eggs.
The city is colorful and no signs of preparedness for an attack are apparent.
However, on the other side, I know that the army, Sepaah, the Basij and the
police are on call. Iran opposes a war and will do its best for this not to
happen, saying that if it does happen, we will defend ourselves.
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