Iran tightens screws on Iraq's Kurds
By Sami Moubayed
DAMASCUS - On the eve of the holy Muslim month of Ramadan in 1959, Iraq's
military head of state Abdul-Karim Qasim toured the streets of Baghdad by
night, inspecting preparations. He stopped at a baker slaving at his oven, only
to find a huge portrait of himself, surrounded by much smaller loafs of bread.
Qasim was shocked.
He instructed the baker to take down the picture, saying, "It is inconceivable
that my photograph would be larger than a loaf of Iraqi bread - the daily fuel
of ordinary Iraqis. Remove it immediately; that is an order."
Many Iraqis still remember the days of Abdul-Karim Qasim, only too well, and
find that such humbleness is non-existent in current
Iraqi leaders. Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki did not roam the streets of
Baghdad last night, as his countrymen were preparing to welcome Ramadan. One
obvious reason is security; another is a lack of character, and interest in the
affairs of day-to-day Iraqis. Had he taken the journey it is doubtful he would
have found a portrait of himself larger than the size of a loaf of bread.
Under Qasim, survival was not the only pre-occupation of ordinary Iraqis. They
used the festive month, known to Muslims as a month of peace, to dine with
friends at restaurants, meet with family, listen to Oriental music, and go out
for family walks after breaking their fast at sunset. Maliki did however speak
to his countrymen on the eve of this Ramadan, which started on September 1,
saying, "Ramadan comes at a time when the Iraqis have earned the result of
their patience and victory on terrorists, criminals and outlaws. The success of
our forces to enforce the law is helping in the return of thousands of Iraqis
to their country and homes. There is progress in security and peace."
Some people claimed this was not the best choice of words for someone trying to
promote peace. The Human Rights Committee of the Iraqi parliament lashed out at
Maliki, accusing him of failing to implement a general amnesty (which it had
issued earlier this year) on the eve of Ramadan. There are over 100,000
prisoners in Maliki's jails, said one lawmaker, and another 20,000 in US jails
within Iraq, a difficult reality that the premier cannot escape and which kills
any hopes of rapprochement between Sunnis and Shi'ites.
Covering up for this flaw, Maliki starting retaking control of Anbar province
(the largest in Iraq), one of the most violent, from the US military on Monday.
Anbar is the 11th of 18 provinces to have been handed over to the Maliki
administration and, according to the US military, is an "important milestone
with regard to security".
Kurds, Iranians and Talabani
On another note, an article ran on the first day of Ramadan in the Iraqi daily
al-Zaman (which usually has credible reports), making the prime minister look
silly.
It claimed that a senior meeting had recently been held in Tehran to discuss
the deteriorating health of Iraqi President Jalal Talabani. Attended by
representatives of Iran's Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the meeting
concentrated on whether Talabani, 75, who is undergoing surgery in the US, will
return to his full capacities at the presidency. If Talabani departs the scene
or becomes incapacitated, since his health is "critical", the Iranians will
lose a strong ally in the Iraqi Kurdish community, which at present is at odds
with Iraq's Shi'ites, led by Maliki.
Talabani, a veteran politician who worked in the Iraqi underground from the
1960s, was one of the few Kurdish leaders to have excellent relations with
Iraq's Shi'ites. A credible statesman whose nationalism cuts across
confessional lines, he was also one of the architects of a four-party alliance
created in 2007 between two Kurdish parties (one headed by him personally), the
Da'wa party of Maliki and the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC), headed by
Iran's ally Abdul Aziz al-Hakim.
That alliance was created, under Iranian urging, to legitimize the Maliki
government when both the Iraqi Accordance Front (Sunni) and Sadrists (Shi'ites)
walked out on the prime minister in 2007. Maliki (and Iran) lured the Kurds by
promising them action on Kirkuk, a mixed city that they want to incorporate
into Iraqi Kurdistan. He promised to implement Article 140 of the Iraqi
constitution, which calls for a referendum in Kirkuk, to see whether its
population wants to remain part of Iraq, or join Kurdistan.
Before doing that he made sure that thousands of Iraqi Arabs were uprooted from
Kirkuk (to increase its Kurdish population) , claiming they had illegally been
placed there under Saddam Hussein, for the exact opposite reason. The
referendum was supposed to take place by December 31, 2007. It did not,
resulting in Kurdish resentment against the prime minister and increased
speculation that the four-party alliance that managed to keep Iran's Maliki in
power since 2007, was falling apart.
Another reason for the Kurdish-Shi'ite dispute is a recent military crackdown,
under orders from Maliki, on Khanaqin, a town in northern Diyali province that
is filled with Kurds loyal to Iraqi Kurdistan. Government troops want to
evacuate the Kurdish militia, the Peshmerga, from Khanaqin and evacuate
buildings currently occupied by two Kurdish parties, claiming they are the
property of the central government in Baghdad.
Many believe the crackdown is a message from Iran to the Kurdish parties in
parliament, with Kurdish lawmaker Mahmud Othman saying, "With no doubt, the
Iranians have a role in the Khanaqin crisis." He is critical of Iran's proxy in
Iraq, the SIIC and its leader Hakim, adding that he never supported the
four-party alliance between the Kurdish parties, the SIIC and Maliki's Da'wa
Party. Speaking on behalf of the government, Maliki's advisor, Sami al-Askari,
said, "The government insists on its position: withdrawal of the Peshmerga from
Khanaqin."
The Peshmerga, which runs Iraqi Kurdistan, was long tolerated by the Maliki
government, at a time when relations were flowery between Maliki and the Kurds.
Showing just how sour matters have become, Askari spoke about the
Kurdish-Shi'ite four-party alliance, saying, "This alliance cannot survive at
the expense of the unity of Iraq and its government." According to
parliamentarian Humam Hamudi of the SIIC, Maliki escalated the crisis by
threatening the Peshmerga with severe punishment if it was found within Iraqi
territory.
Back to the Iranian meeting, al-Zaman claims that Tehran is interested in
weakening the Kurdish bloc in parliament (in the absence of Talabani) and
transforming it into a dwarf so that it doesn't threaten the supremacy of the
pro-Iranian Shi'ite bloc, the United Iraqi Alliance. Iran does not want to
break the Kurdish bloc, however, nor does it want to eject it from parliament,
unless rapprochement with Iraqi Sunnis is made, to serve as a substitute ally
for Maliki.
Taming the Kurds will take place through direct measures, as the crackdown in
Khanaqin, or indirect ones, such as getting the prime minister to further delay
the issue of Kirkuk.
The Iranians are furious that talks with the Americans over a long-term
military pact between Washington and Baghdad are being handled by Foreign
Minister Hoshyar Zebari, a Kurd. Tehran believes a lot of important information
is being kept from them by the Kurds. They are concerned that if such an
agreement materializes, it will bring the Americans one step closer into Iran's
backyard. Last week, Maliki dismissed the negotiating team with the Americans
and appointed a new one from his private team (all of whom are strongly
affiliated with Tehran).
It has been a difficult summer for Maliki and it looks as if it is going to be
a difficult Ramadan as well. Fasting for Muslims starts at sunrise, and lasts
until 7:30 pm. Electricity still goes off 10 to 12 hours a day (but probably
not in the Green Zone), making fasting all the more difficult. The last thing
Maliki needs is a feud with the Kurds.
Sami Moubayed is a Syrian writer and political analyst.
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