DAMASCUS - Never has the Arab press been filled with so many critical stories
of Iran. The trend is striking, and proves just how influential the Saudi and
American media have been at painting a very dark and "dangerous" picture of the
Islamic Republic.
Slowly but surely, Arab columnists have started filing story after story
critical of Iran's role in the region. That became strikingly clear when prime
coverage was given to the death of General Hisham Sabah al-Fakhri, a decorated
officer from Saddam Hussein's army, who made a reputation for himself for
fighting the Iranians during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988).
He was treated as a celebrated Iraqi, although nothing had been
said of him since he fled the violence in Iraq and took up residence in Syria
in 2003. He is now hailed in several Arab dailies as a war hero. Last week,
veteran Palestinian journalist Jihad al-Khazen wrote in the Saudi daily
al-Hayat, "I call on Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to
seriously strive [at obtaining] nuclear abilities."
He added that they should embark "immediately" on a nuclear program, "in action
not just words, because Arab citizens should not remain under the mercy of the
nuclear Israeli arsenal, when Iran's arsenal is forthcoming". The column adds
further proof to just how afraid certain powers are in the Arab world of a
nuclear-armed Iran. Khazen wrapped up, "Iran strives to have a nuclear weapon
no matter how strongly it denies that."
The bluntness of his words, and those that follow, are remarkable. In another
Arab daily, a senior member of the ruling National Party in Egypt bluntly
accused Iran of assassinating Ihad al-Sharif, Egypt's former ambassador to
Iraq, in 2005. Then, the Iraqi government had refused to allow Egyptian
prosecutors to investigate the envoy's murder. The semi-official al-Ahram daily
in Cairo ran a front-page story back then claiming that the assassination was
aimed at "cutting off the legs of Egypt" from Iraq.
The Iranians, meanwhile, continue sending contradictory messages to the Arab
world. On September 8, Iraqi government spokesman Ali Dabbagh (who is allied to
Iran) threatened to prosecute and arrest members of the Iraqi Awakening
Councils (close to Saudi Arabia) if they continued to press for being
incorporated into the Iraqi army. Dabbagh, and most mainstream Shi'ites, are
afraid of the 100,000-strong Awakening Councils, who are Sunnis, and armed to
the teeth with Saudi and American money, to combat al-Qaeda.
They claim that once the Awakening Councils are through with al-Qaeda, they
will turn their arms against Iraqi Shi'ites. All attempts at incorporating them
(being members of the Sunni tribal community) into the Iraqi army are regarded
by Iran as a way of legitimizing Sunni arms, to be used against its interests
in Iraq.
Of the 100,000, only 600 have been accepted into the Iraqi police, with
authorities claiming that the rest need discipline, training and education to
qualify for the armed forces.
Last week, to soothe the fears of Lebanon's Sunnis, in light of thundering
rhetoric about war by Hezbollah secretary general Hassan Nasrallah, they
received former Lebanese prime minister Omar Karameh, a scion of one of the
country's leading Sunni families, giving him red-carpet treatment in Tehran.
Karameh, who is allied to Nasrallah in Lebanese domestics, is nevertheless
someone who carries weight in the Sunni community. The timing of his visit was
used by the Iranians to tell the world, "We are not working against Lebanese
Sunnis."
Yet, coinciding with the Karameh visit, was a vociferous response by the
Iranian government to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) over the controversial
Abu Musa Island contested between Iran and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). They
basically warned the GCC to stay out of Iranian affairs and defended their
stance on Abu Musa. Iran had opened two administrative offices on Abu Musa
island, angering not only the UAE but the entire GCC and Arab League.
As if that were not enough to scare off whatever sympathizers it had in the
Gulf, Iran created more tension when Deputy Foreign Minister Manuchehr
Mohammadi said that Arab Gulf states and their rulers would soon face a crisis
of legitimacy, noting, "The Middle East will remain as a center of developments
and crises so long as the royal regimes in the Gulf remain in place, and
conflicts will not be resolved without the disappearance of these traditional
regimes."
While these words sent shockwaves throughout the Gulf, Iran went one step
further by announcing the launching of its first communications satellite, with
plans to build a spy satellite by 2015.
The UAE, insisting on normal relations with Iran, let the issue pass, and went
ahead with sending an ambassador to Iraq (the first from an Arab state since
the murder of Sharif in 2005). The UAE ambassador presented his credentials to
Vice President Tarek Hashemi in Baghdad, who represents Iraqi Sunnis in Prime
Minister Nuri al-Maliki's administration.
The other Vice President, Adel Abdul-Mehdi (a strong supporter and ally of
Iran), was not there to witness what was described as an historic step by the
Iraqi media. He was busy in Tehran, meeting with Iranian Foreign Minister
Manuchehr Mottaki and parliament's speaker Ali Larijani. Ostensibly,
Abdul-Mehdi had official duties to care to, but many believed that his no-show
at the ceremony of UAE ambassador Abdullah Ibrahim al-Shahhi was deliberate. He
was not pleased that the Emirates was sending an ambassador to Baghdad.
The UAE move comes in close coordination with other Arab states, aimed at
bringing Iraq back into the Arab family, away from Iran, which has enjoyed an
unparalleled status in Baghdad since the downfall of Saddam Hussein in 2003.
Saudi Arabia announced that all Iraqi prisoners in Saudi jails would be
repatriated, encouraging the Iraqis to warm up to Riyadh.
Bahrain, which reopened its embassy in Baghdad last March, also appointed Salah
al-Malki as its first ambassador to Maliki's Iraq. Kuwaiti Prime Minister
Sheikh Na'sr Mohammad al-Sabah will visit Iraq this September, to boost ties
that have been minimal since Saddam invaded Kuwait in 1990.
Iraqi is currently required to pay 5% of its oil revenue to a fund created by
the United Nations as compensation for the invasion of Kuwait. That will likely
be canceled by the Kuwaiti prime minister. Last month, King Abdullah II of
Jordan visited Baghdad, with the same purpose, and Lebanese Prime Minister
Fouad al-Siniora went to Iraq, acting as proxy for the king of Saudi Arabia.
In addition to shedding light on all of the above, praising all Arab efforts
towards Iraq, the Arab media has been filled with front-page coverage of a
speech critical of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, given by former
nuclear negotiator Hasan Rohani.
Speaking from Tehran, Rohani (who is close to ex-president Ali Akbar Hashemi
Rafsanjani) accused Ahmadinejad of "emptying the pockets" of the Iranian people
and "subjecting their pride for sale" by resorting them to a people at want.
Rohani pointed out that Saudi Arabia had a surplus of US$870 billion from oil
sales, asking, "Why not Iran?"
A week ago, the Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei surprised onlookers by endorsing
Ahmadinejad's candidancy for the presidency in the summer of 2009. He said, "Do
not think that this year is your last year as head of the government. No. Act
as if you will stay in charge for five years." He added, "Imagine that in this
year, plus the four that follow, you will be in charge, and plan and act
accordingly."
This has dampened the hopes of Arabs who want to see the end of the radical
Iranian leader who has been a nightmare for them since coming to power in 2005.
But the words of Rohani came as music to Arab ears. Rohani would never dare
utter these words, especially after Khamenei commended Ahmadinejad, unless
given the green light directly by the grand ayatollah. The aged Khamenei
apparently wants to send conflicting messages to the presidential hopefuls in
the Iranian presidential elections.
Sami Moubayed is a Syrian political analyst.
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