The odds favor Iraq's ultimate survivor
By Mohammed A Salih
WASHINGTON - While the question of who will become Iraq's future prime minister
is still uncertain, when it comes to the presidency, incumbent Jalal Talabani
stands the best chance of retaining the office.
Although in last month's parliamentary elections, Kurds did not do as well as
they did five years ago, mainly due to strong Sunni participation, Talabani has
been quick to sit down with all major blocs to garner support for his
Talabani's rival, the current Sunni Arab Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi,
doesn't appear to have the same broad-based support among the country's
different factions. When Hashemi insisted that after five years with a Kurd
occupying the presidency it was time for an Arab to replace him, he sparked
strong reactions even
among his own allies in the secular al-Iraqiya coalition. Kurds were quick to
condemn his remarks as "chauvinist".
"Given the position of [Iyad] Allawi and the State of Law [SOL] coalition, both
sides need the Kurds and so both sides are cognizant that there would be
certain requirements," Kathleen Ridolfo, an independent Iraq and Arab affairs
analyst, told Inter Press Service.
The al-Iraqiya bloc of Allawi, a former secular prime minister, came in first
in last month's parliamentary elections with 91 seats. His main rival, current
Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's State of Law (SOL) coalition, came a close
second with 89 seats.
"In any talks joining either Maliki or Allawi, the issue of Talabani staying in
the presidency will be a major Kurdish condition," Ridolfo added.
For many, Talabani's ascendance five years ago would have been unthinkable just
a decade before. As the first Kurdish head of the Iraqi state, Talabani's
presidency for Kurds was the zenith of nearly a century of struggle for their
rights. However, his serious health problems in recent years have cast doubt on
whether he can successfully serve another four-year term.
Still, Talabani has survived the turbulent waters of Iraq's politics in a way
that perhaps no other politician has. At the age of 77, he seems as ambitious
as the young, idealistic revolutionary he was nearly half a century ago. Even
at a time when his party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), has greatly
diminished in numbers, Mam (Uncle) Jalal - as Kurds call him - seems to have
reinvented himself as a political necessity.
"There will be a problem if the presidency won't go to Talabani for a second
term," Khalid al-Assadi, an elected member of parliament from PM Maliki's SOL,
told the Arab-language al-Sharq al-Awsat newspaper in late March. "And we don't
see a fundamental impediment to that."
If a Shi’ite from SOL or the Iraqi National Alliance (INA) becomes prime
minister, the Shi’ites will most likely back Talabani as president since they
need Kurdish support to form the government. And if the Sunni-dominated
al-Iraqiya bloc gets to form the future government, the presidency will still
likely go to Talabani because Allawi also needs Kurdish support.
However, if there is a national unity government where all the major blocs -
al-Iraqiya, SOL, INA and the Kurds - participate, the fate of Talabani's
presidency will be uncertain. Given that al-Iraqiya and SOL are the two largest
coalitions, they might divide the top posts of prime minister and president
In any case, experts believe the three major posts of president, prime minister
and parliamentary speaker will be most likely decided on as a package by
While at the national level, Talabani appears to be doing fine, in the domestic
Kurdish scene he is probably at the lowest point of his popularity. After a
number of PUK's senior leaders split from the party and created the Gorran
(Change) Movement, Talabani's party lost a great deal of its power base in the
northern Kurdistan region.
In an ironic twist of fate, despite years of effort by Talabani to escape the
shadow of his rival Kurdistan Democratic Party - led by Mullah Mustafa Barzani
and currently his son Massoud Barzani - his political fortunes today depend
almost entirely on Massoud Barzani's support.
However, Talabani's leadership qualities have commanded a certain degree of
respect among Iraq's various political forces and the wider region. With the
fragmentation of the country's politics during the recent sectarian
Shi’ite-Sunni conflict, Talabani was a major uniting force in Baghdad.
Despite Kurds' strong sense of identity and general uneasiness working within
the Iraqi national system, Talabani is believed to have balanced his Kurdish
and Iraqi allegiances successfully.
"He is a conciliatory person, easy to work with and was not really a Kurd as
much as an Iraqi leader. If you look at the record, except for Article 140,
Talabani has not profiled himself as a Kurdish leader," said Joost Hiltermann,
an Iraq expert at the International Crisis Group.
Article 140 is a provision in Iraq's constitution that mainly addresses Kurds'
territorial grievances. "So in terms of his record, he must be quite acceptable
to the majority of the members of parliament," Hiltermann said.
Talabani has had a long and often dramatic career as a politician. He joined
Kurdish politics at an early age while studying law at Baghdad University. He
quickly ascended the ladder and became a favorite of Kurdish leader Mullah
Mustafa Barzani in the 1960s. In 1966, he fell out of favor with Barzani and a
decade later founded his PUK in Damascus, Syria.
Talabani's rivalry with the Barzani family became a defining feature of his
political life. His disagreements with Mullah Mustafa's son, Massoud Barzani,
grew so deep that in 1994 that the two sides engaged in a bloody civil war in
Iraqi Kurdistan, leaving thousands dead.
Four years later, the two leaders signed a peace deal in Washington. After the
US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Talabani went on to be the Kurds' main
representative in Baghdad and, following the parliamentary elections of January
2005, was unanimously elected by the parliament as Iraq's president.