BEIRUT - Jamal is a Lebanese driver in his late 50s. He was unshaven and
appeared terribly exhausted as he drove his old passenger van from the airport
in Beirut to the Bekaa Valley. Although it was not a particularly arduous trip,
it was made more grueling by the way Jamal drove, negotiating the elevation,
the hectic traffic and the many army vehicles speeding by.
In Lebanon, a sense of urgency always seems to prevail, even when there are no
urgent matters to tend to. Jamal's driving style has probably changed little
through the successive Israeli wars and bombardments of Lebanon in past years
(the last being the 2006 war, which destroyed much of the country's
infrastructure and killed hundreds of civilians).
Although no bombs were falling, Jamal could feel something in the
air. "They are cooking something big," he said, "but what it is, no one really
knows for sure."
Jamal was referring to a joint historic visit to Lebanon by Saudi Arabia's King
Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad on July 30. Assad joined Abdullah
in his plane, where they stayed for a few hours and lunched with Lebanese
leaders.
The occasion marked the first visit by a Saudi King to Lebanon since 1957, and
also Assad's first trip to Beirut since the assassination of former Lebanese
prime minister Rafik Hariri in 2005. While both these facts are important, what
is most interesting is that Syria and Saudi Arabia once stood at complete odds
over the rivalry in Lebanon between two collations - the ruling March 14
Coalition and the one comprising the opposition under Hezbollah's leadership,
the March 8 Coalition.
While the July 30 visit posed a puzzle for Jamal, he was hardly confused about
where he stands. He remains unquestionably a fervent supporter of Hezbollah,
the Shi'ite group that led the Lebanese resistance that forced an Israeli
withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000. Many believe it also defeated the Israeli
forces that attacked Lebanon in 2006, and see the group as a symbol of Arab
resistance against Israeli threats. But Jamal, like many of Hezbollah's
supporters in Lebanon, is not Shi'ite; he is a Sunni.
Jamal's wife of many years died two months ago. He saw her as his life partner
and his "only love in life". As he spoke about her, he breathed in the smoke
from his cheap cigarette - as if this might somehow help to rejuvenate his
memory. He held in the smoke as he began searching for something on his
duck-taped cell phone.
As if the frenzy on the road was not dangerous enough, Jamal then paused to
locate a photo of his wife, a shy and kindly-looking woman in a white
headscarf. She was 55 when she died of cancer. For a poor man like Jamal,
medical treatment would normally be confined to whatever public hospitals had
to offer. But private hospitals subsided by Hezbollah made it possible for
Jamal to ensure that his wife received the best in medical technology. Although
she eventually succumbed to her illness, she was shielded from pain under the
care of competent and respectful doctors and nurses.
No, there should be no "eureka" moments here. Jamal's passionate support of
Hezbollah is not simply self-serving. He is very clear on his ideological
affiliations and is not hesitant to point out their shortcomings. Also, if he
was seeking personal benefit, he would surely be driving a better car, wearing
a nicer shirt, and smoking fancier cigarettes.
"Hezbollah made it possible for a man like me to be proud again," he said.
According to him, Hezbollah's heroism on the battlefield, and unconditional
social services provided mostly to the poor in Beirut and elsewhere, restored
his pride and dignity. But Jamal himself is a self-declared Arab nationalist, a
Nasserite even.
Unlike other cities, Beirut doesn't convey any one overall impression and
experience. Photos of war martyrs - with the most recent victims having newer
and larger posters - are mixed with many signs of globalization. While Jamal's
car appeared commonplace in West Beirut, in East Beirut, the worn-out vehicle
seemed to fight for an ever-shrinking space among newer models.
But Jamal didn't sound intimidated or disturbed by his comparative poverty. His
language was revolutionary, laden with terminology affiliated with various
ideological brands: Islamist, socialist, pan-Arabist. There are many like him
in Lebanon, emboldened by the impressive victories of the resistance, and the
failures of all who attempted to co-opt it.
Still, cultural differences remain. There are many others, who, although Arab,
prefer to speak in French. Indeed, the conflict in Lebanon cannot be reduced to
mere groups and individuals, but is also a cultural clash. The party that will
eventually prevail will ultimately define Lebanon: as an Arab country or some
other imagined entity.
There is much haste here, as the clash is expected, once more, to come to head.
The United Nations' Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL), which was set up in the
wake of Hariri's assassination, is expected to reveal its findings soon. It is
feared that the investigation will blame "rogue elements" of Hezbollah for the
killing, as disclosed by the leader of Hezbollah himself, Hassan Nasrallah.
Many in Lebanon believe that the STL has been largely compromised and
politicized, and is a Western-Israeli platform intended to destabilize Lebanon
and extract concessions from Hezbollah. The outcome of its investigation is
likely to also be political. Many are worried, although some are comforted by
the fact that Hezbollah is just too strong to be undermined by the STL's
findings.
"This bridge is the highest in the Middle East," Jamal said proudly as we
crossed a massive and very high concrete edifice. I nodded admiringly, thinking
he is proud simply of an architectural achievement. He continued, "Israel
destroyed it in the war, and two months ago it was reopened. It is much more
impressive than before."
"They destroy, we rebuild," he reminisced, words that accentuate the wisdom of
generations. "This is what resistance is all about."
He pulled in another deep breath of smoke, and held it in for a while. Then, as
we finally crossed the bridge, he slowly released.
Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated
columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My
Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press, London), now
available on Amazon.com.
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