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    Middle East
     Sep 25, 2010
US and Iran fire salvos at the UN
By Kaveh L Afrasiabi

NEW YORK - The United Nations was turned into a battleground for the United States and Iran on Thursday as President Barack Obama justified sanctions by accusing Tehran of failing to come clean on its nuclear intentions, while hours later his Iranian opposite number President Mahmud Ahmadinejad insinuated that the US government may have instigated the 9/11 atrocities to rationalize the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan.

With his calls for an independent UN committee to investigate the attacks in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, Ahmadinejad may have set the clock back, given the UN's backing of US anti-terrorism efforts that in retrospect deserved critical scrutiny.

At the same time, beyond their criticisms, both the US and

 

Iranian presidents declared their readiness to engage in direct negotiations. Obama hinted at his willingness to resurrect his "Iran engagement" policy by recalling that last year he had "extended his hand" to the Islamic Republic, and adding that the door for diplomacy was open should Iran "choose to walk through it". A joint statement on Wednesday by representatives of the so-called "Iran Six" nations (the UN Security Council's five permanent members plus Germany) expressed optimism for "Iran's constructive participation in the dialogue".

For his part, Ahmadinejad stated Iran's "readiness for a dialogue based on justice and respect" and scolded Western governments for ignoring the April "Tehran Declaration" signed by Iran, Turkey and Brazil on a nuclear fuel-swap deal designed to cool tensions over Tehran’s nuclear program.

At a meeting with US academics on Wednesday night, Ahmadinejad drew attention to the deal for its significance of allowing countries other than the major powers of the UN Security Council to have a meaningful input in a serious international issue. Both the Turkish and Brazilian representatives at the UN have reiterated their commitment to the declaration.

"The Tehran Declaration was a hugely constructive step in confidence-building efforts which was made possible through the admirable goodwill by the governments of Brazil and Turkey along with the sincere cooperation of the Iranian government. Although the declaration received inappropriate reaction by some and was followed by an unlawful resolution, it is still valid," Ahmadinejad said during his UN General Assembly speech.

According to an Iranian diplomat who spoke to the author on the condition of anonymity, prevailing sentiment in the Iranian government is that if the Obama administration commits itself to meaningful dialogue, "then it can expect to find a reliable partner in Iran."

It is possible that Tehran and Washington will engage simultaneously in dialogue and hostility, given their huge divide on regional and global issues that coexists uneasily with mutual concerns such as drug-trafficking from Afghanistan. But, with the US media seizing on Ahmadinejad's "opening a can of worms" on 9/11 - which undoubtedly sits well with segments of the Arab and Muslim populations around the world, but not so the West - it may be harder for the White House to proceed with the feeble attempt at jump-starting a fresh round of dialogue with Iran.

From Ahmadinejad's vantage point, however, 9/11 as a historical event deserves full scrutiny, in the same manner as other historical events such as the Holocaust, particularly since Iran's own national security has been hurt by the military consequences of 9/11. Ahmadinejad called for a terrorism conference in Iran next year that could bolster Iran's regional role against terrorism and cause a minor dent in the "war on terror" paradigm Obama inherited from his predecessor, George W Bush.

The Middle East peace process, a key topic of both president's UN speeches, is yet another divisive issue, in light of Obama's call on Israel to maintain the moratorium on new Jewish settlements in the West Bank, which expires on September 26. The chances are that the Israeli government reluctantly appeases Obama on this matter, not the least because several thousand housing units previously approved prior to the 10-month-long moratorium are still under construction.

The bigger question of meaningful resolution of the settlements problem and the realization of an independent Palestinian state looms large and Obama may be setting himself up for disappointment by expressing undue optimism in his UN speech about future results of negotiations, when the facts on the ground in the Occupied Territories belie any rosy outlook.

"Compared to his 2009 speech when he mentioned a contagious state on the Occupied Territories since 1967, this year's speech by Obama lacked that specific language and was therefore a step backward," a Tehran University political science professor told the author."Nor did he bother to mention anything about Gaza and its elected officials from Hamas."

While in the New York, Ahmadinejad sought to portray Iran as a global power intent on playing a meaningful global role, by addressing the issue of veto powers and calling for reform of the Security Council, which he characterized as "undemocratic". This resonated with other speeches, including that of Brazil's Foreign Minister Celso Luiz Nunes Amorim, who said there was an urgent need "to redefine the rules that organize international relations". Both Brazil and Iran are members of the Group of 15 (G-15), set up as a counterweight to the G-20, which acts today as a fulcrum for the management of issues of global scope (see Cool G-15 heads take the heat, Asia Times Online, May 14, 2010).

On the other hand, much to the chagrin of Tehran, this week Moscow announced it was halting the sale of S-300 air defense system that Iran has fully paid for, claiming that it falls under the UN sanctions regime. A close reading of the various UN sanctions resolutions may yield a different interpretation, however, and it is clear that Moscow's appeasement of Washington's and Tel Aviv's demands on this matter will harm Russia-Iran relations.

After taking Western heat on its support for Iran for the operation of the Bushehr power plant, Russia’s leaders have found themselves in an increasingly uncomfortable balancing act that may come to haunt them if their decision proves conducive to a future attack on Iran by the US and or Israel.

As a result, support for Bushehr is potentially a candidate for reconsideration if Moscow determines at some point that the military option on Iran is again likely. For now, the opening of the plant is simply yet another cosh for the US to use to berate Iran, much as Obama in his initial appearance at the UN on Wednesday lavishly praised Moscow's decision to halt the arms sale, which was attributed to Dmitry Medvedev, Russia’s pro-Western president.

Overall, the Obama-Ahmadinejad indirect duel at the UN has transpired at a sensitive time. Whether it leads to more or less tension in the Middle East depends how it influences the course of Middle East peace talks and the Iran nuclear standoff, neither of which appears to have any prospect of resolution anytime soon. Still, much depends on the will of both presidents to initiate dialogue with moves free of empty rhetoric or propaganda designed to score political points.

Kaveh L Afrasiabi, PhD, is the author of After Khomeini: New Directions in Iran's Foreign Policy (Westview Press) . For his Wikipedia entry, click here. He is author of Reading In Iran Foreign Policy After September 11 (BookSurge Publishing , October 23, 2008) and his latest book, Looking for rights at Harvard, is now available.

(Copyright 2010 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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